Suchergebnisse

The topic of right-wing extremism in European societies is subject to repeated discussions in politics, society and the media. These discourses, which are usually triggered by spectacular events, often address causes for the formation of right-wing extremist attitudes (RA). Among other reasons, such causes are considered to be social change, perception of social inequality or the existence of specific value orientations. These factors are also subject matter of various empirical studies. However, the causal relations between the explanatory approaches often remain unspecified in these studies. This neglect applies in particular to the integration of demographic variables like education or age. These concerns are accounted for in the present study by formulating a theoretically-driven model that explains RA which includes the causal relations between independent variables. This theoretical model will be tested by structural equation models using a representative survey from Germany. Adapted from the source document.

The relationship between Belgian 1988 municipal elections & socioeconomic characteristics of municipalities is analyzed using official election results. Findings show that: higher income has a negative effect on election results for Christian Democrats & Socialists, but a positive one for Liberals; a high number of residents dependent on welfare programs favor the Socialists, while university-educated voters favor the Greens; youth favor the Christian Democrats & the Greens, while urbanites favor the Socialists, Greens, & extremist right-wing Flemish party; the presence of North African immigrants positively corresponds with the Socialists & extreme right-wing party & negatively with the Greens; & participation by the extreme rightists leads to a decline in votes for the Socialists. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Reviews urban policy in Belgium, particularly Flanders, since 1991. The remarkable success of the extremist right-wing party, Vlaams Blok, in urban areas in both the 1991 & 1994 national elections has increased attention to urban renewal & social housing policies. Today's urban policy consists of two main elements: (1) levying taxes on empty & run-down buildings to promote renovation & reduce speculation & (2) establishing a structural & result-oriented fund that channels significant amounts of money to problem areas. Also, inner-city areas are placed in a regional framework, arguing that administrative city boundaries should include wealthy suburbs, inhabited primarily by people whose livelihood depends on the city, as well as inner-city problem areas. Adapted from the source document.

In contrast to US voters, whose behavior is explained in terms of party identification, controversial issues, & degree of trust in public officials, the behavior of Dutch voters is best analyzed in terms of their position on a Left-Right ideological continuum. Analysis of election data from 1970 studied in C. P. Middendorp's Progressiveness and Conservatism: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and Their Relationship to Social Class (The Hague/New York: Mouton, 1978), as well as data from 1975, 1980, & 1985, reveals a difference between the actual position on this continuum & voter self-identification, dependent on internally defined philosophical variables. The Left-Right continuum can be expressed along two axes: (1) socioeconomic equality/inequality, & (2) libertarianism/authoritarianism. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 43 References. M. Meeks

In light of the European emergence of extreme right-wing parties, Dutch & Flemish works are reviewed, focusing on the situation in Flanders. In Racistische partijen in West-Europa. Tussen nationale traditie en Europese samenwerking ([Racist Parties in Western Europe between National Tradition and European Cooperation] Leiden, Netherlands: Stichting Burgerschapskunde, 1993), Frank Elbers & Meindert Fennema view extreme Right parties as single-issue (ie, migrants) parties characterized by racism. Their work is found insightful on an international level, but too general regarding the situation in Flanders; further, revision is necessary to account for developments around & since the 1994 European elections. Patrick Stouthuysen's Extreem-rechts in na-oorlogs Europa ([The Extreme Right in Postwar Europe] Brussels, Belgium: VUB, 1993) views extreme Right parties as protest parties with a very unreliable electorate &, therefore, little chance to become influential. The book is balanced in its organization, but the lack of empirical data is deplored & the situation in Flanders is not addressed; although it is suggested that the perspective of right-wing parties as protest parties applies to Flanders as well as to the rest of Western Europe. Jos Vander Velpen's Daar komen ze aangemarcheerd. Extreem-rechts in Europa ([They're Marchin' In. The Extreme Right in Europe] Berchem-Breda, Netherlands: EPO 1992), a work of critical journalism in the Marxist tradition, is found rather one-sided & predictable in its perspective on modern Europe as a new bulwark of nationalism & foreigner hate, but the extensive analysis of the Flemish extreme Right party Vlaams Blok is deemed valuable. Rinke Van den Brink's De internationale van de haat. Extreem-rechts in West-Europa ([The Internationalization of Hate. The Extreme Right in Western Europe] Amsterdam, Netherlands: Uitgeverij SUA, 1994) is a compilation of articles about Western European right-wing parties & interviews with their members & leaders previously published in the critically liberal Dutch magazine Vrij Nederland. The book primarily shows the public image sought & projected by right-wing parties, emphasizing the Vlaams Blok. Strategies toward eradicating extreme right-wing parties are discussed. S. Paul

This paper deals with the linkage between changes in the political culture & changes in class-party alignments. First, we investigate how the political culture in Western countries has changed over time. Three views are tested using data on party-manifestos. The first predicts that only new-leftist issues will increase in salience. The second predicts that both new-leftist & new-rightist issues will emerge at the same time. The third, which is empirically corroborated, predicts that first new-leftist issues will emerge followed by a rise in new rightist issues. Second, we investigate how the emergence of these new issues has affected the traditional class-party alignments. We show that the middle class increasingly votes left-wing as new-leftist issues become more important & that the working class increasingly votes rightwing as new-rightist issues become more important. The middle class also appears to alienate from the traditional party of their class as new-rightist issues rise in salience. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.