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This chapter attempts to explain why extreme right-wing parties are popular in some European Union countries & not in others, an important question because of the growing differences in attitudes among EU member states. Data from several national & international surveys conducted in the 1990s (a total of 49,801 respondents) on right-wing voting behavior in 16 West European countries were analyzed in relation to national differences in social structure, public opinion, economic conditions, political conditions, characteristics of extreme right-wing parties, & relations between individual-level & contextual characteristics. The findings show that, across countries, people who were poorer, un- or under-employed, less educated, non-religious, younger, & male tended to vote for right-wing parties. Between-country differences were explained more by public opinion; in particular, in countries where more people had anti-immigrant attitudes & expressed dissatisfaction with democracy, there was greater support for extreme right-wing parties. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

This chapter attempts to explain why extreme right-wing parties are popular in some European Union countries & not in others, an important question because of the growing differences in attitudes among EU member states. Data from several national & international surveys conducted in the 1990s (a total of 49,801 respondents) on right-wing voting behavior in 16 West European countries were analyzed in relation to national differences in social structure, public opinion, economic conditions, political conditions, characteristics of extreme right-wing parties, & relations between individual-level & contextual characteristics. The findings show that, across countries, people who were poorer, un- or under-employed, less educated, non-religious, younger, & male tended to vote for right-wing parties. Between-country differences were explained more by public opinion; in particular, in countries where more people had anti-immigrant attitudes & expressed dissatisfaction with democracy, there was greater support for extreme right-wing parties. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

Uses business conflict analysis to examine the complex relationship between business interests & ultraconservative movements in the US, described as those that go beyond the usual conservative defense of established power relations, but stop short of demanding total elimination of all liberal pluralistic institutions. The focus is on the role of capitalism in bringing these groups together in the New Right that emerged in the 1970s & disintegrated in the 1980s & 1990s. Special attention is given to parallels between policy disputes among right-wing politicians & capitalist factional divisions, beginning with conflicts between members of the business class who supported or opposed the New Deal system. Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign allowed business nationalists to regain control of the national Republican Party, laid the groundwork for the emergence of the New Right, & was vital for Ronald Reagan's victories. Factors that helped to splinter the right-wing/business coalition include economic trends, Pat Buchanan's isolationist campaign, & Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition. Future prospects for the alliance between business interests & right-wing politics are discussed. J. Lindroth

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

"Die inhaltlichen Informationsleistungen des Fernsehens werden in zunehmendem Maß durch den formalen Zuschnitt der Programme und die in diesen Zuschnitt eingepaßten Sendungsformate determiniert; dies gilt auch für die Art und Weise, wie in deutschen Femsehprogrammen über das Aufbrechen rechtsextremistischer Tendenzen nach der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands berichtet wird. Dieser - auf ökonomische Rahmenfaktoren zurückzuführende - Sachverhalt wird in der aktuellen Debatte der Rechtsextremismus-Berichterstattung des Fernsehens übersehen, die sich in der Regel auf individuelle Fehlleistungen von Journalisten konzentriert. Auf der Grundlage von Programmanalysen kann gezeigt werden, daß die Rechtsextremismus-Berichterstattung den Normalfall der Informationsleistung des Fernsehens unter den Konkurrenzbedingungen der in Deutschland geltenden dualen Rundfunkordnung darstellt." (Autorenreferat)

Contends that the variation in ideology & types & degrees of prejudice, supremacy, & oppression are important distinctions to make when examining right-wing movements. Systems of race/gender/class oppression in the hard Right are explored in terms of a dynamic process comprising ideas, acts, & a hierarchical position of dominance that is structural. The Right is divided into the conservative, dissident, & extreme sectors, which all interact. After articulating their commonalities, differences are explored, focusing on the extreme Right, the patriot movement, & the Christian Right. It is concluded that understanding the political Right requires a more sophisticated level of analysis that identifies boundaries, categories, & terminology that delineate differences of degrees; further, systems of oppression based on gender, race, class, & more exist throughout society. 2 Figures. J. Zendejas

Concludes a collection of essays on gender & right-wing themes & groups devoted to teasing out the similarities & distinctions that mark the far Right. Here, attention is given to the growing presence of supremacist & hate-filled speech in sectors considered moderate or centrist. This is particularly the case in the wake of September 11, 2001, when the US government & a vast percentage of the populace exhibited the four overarching styles & master frames of key right-wing movements; recent policy prescriptions & rhetoric underpinning the run up to the Iraq war also illustrate this trend & reveal connections between the Bush administration's dualistic rhetoric & that of the Christian Right. How gender roles relate to this shift in values is considered briefly. An admonition is offered on the implications of the rising strength of the Right in the US. J. Zendejas

Concludes a collection of essays on gender & right-wing themes & groups devoted to teasing out the similarities & distinctions that mark the far Right. Here, attention is given to the growing presence of supremacist & hate-filled speech in sectors considered moderate or centrist. This is particularly the case in the wake of September 11, 2001, when the US government & a vast percentage of the populace exhibited the four overarching styles & master frames of key right-wing movements; recent policy prescriptions & rhetoric underpinning the run up to the Iraq war also illustrate this trend & reveal connections between the Bush administration's dualistic rhetoric & that of the Christian Right. How gender roles relate to this shift in values is considered briefly. An admonition is offered on the implications of the rising strength of the Right in the US. J. Zendejas

Explores right-wing women in Australian politics, focusing on Pauline Hanson & the rise of Hansonism in the mid-1990s. The Australian political context is laid out to place hansonism in proper perspective, & Hanson's politics are delineated. Defining the right-wing woman is then tackled from a feminist standpoint. Attention turns to Hanson's sexual politics, noting its contradictory facets vis-a-vis her background, public image, professional associations, & ideological stance; while she opposes sexism, there is little that is feminist about her politics. Female members of the mainstream right-wing Liberal Party are discussed, highlighting the work of Senator Amanda Sanstone. In light of Hanson's & Sanstone's positions, feminist politics & "gender equity" politics are compared in conclusion. J. Zendejas