Suchergebnisse

Die deutschsprachige rechtsextreme Szene ist auf YouTube aktiv. Rechtsextreme Influencerinnen und Influencer veröffentlichen regelmässig Videos, in denen sie politische Themen aufgreifen. Mit ihren Inhalten erreichen sie zum Teil hunderttausende Menschen. Dieser Beitrag analysiert anhand der Erkenntnisse der Framing-Theorie, die davon ausgeht, dass die Art, wie ein Ereignis beschrieben und dargestellt wird, Auswirkungen auf dessen Interpretation durch die Rezipierenden hat, fünf Videos von Produzierenden der rechtsextremen Identitären Bewegung mittels qualitativer Inhaltsanalyse. Dabei wird deutlich, dass sich die Produzierenden der gängigen Ästhetik der Plattform anpassen und dass die sich humoristischer Stilmittel bedienen, um ihre Inhalte weniger radikal wirken zu lassen. Ausserdem nutzen sie teilweise Ästhetiken und Strategien, die aus Nachrichtenformaten bekannt sind. So bedienen sie bekannte Sehgewohnheiten der Rezipierenden. Ausserdem erhalten die Videos so den Anschein, journalistisch recherchiert und belegt zu sein, obwohl dies nicht der Fall ist. Diese Ergebnisse bieten nicht nur einen Einblick in die Kommunikationsstrategien rechtsextremer Gruppierungen, sondern auch wichtige Anknüpfungspunkte für die praktische Arbeit gegen Rechts. ; The German-speaking right-wing extremist scene is active on YouTube. Right-wing extremist influencers regularly publish videos in which they address political issues. Some of them reach hundreds of thousands of people with their content. Based on the findings of the framing theory, which assumes that the way an event is described and presented has an impact on the interpretation of the event by the recipients, this study analyses five videos by influencers of the far-right movement ‹Identiäre Bewegung›, using qualitative content analysis. It is evident that the YouTubers adapt to the common aesthetics of the platform and that they use humorous stylistic devices to make their content seem less radical. In addition, they partly use aesthetics and strategies that are familiar from news formats. This way, they serve familiar viewing habits of the recipients. In addition, the videos appear to be journalistically researched and verified, although this is not the case. These results not only offer an insight into the communication strategies of right-wing extremist groups, but also important starting points for practical work against the far right.

Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Frage nach, welche Reaktionen durch unterschiedliche Formen der Berichterstattung über Rechtsextremismus bei den Anhängern der rechten Szene ausgelöst werden und welche Strategien diese verfolgen, um ihre mediale Selbstinszenierung zu optimieren. Das Ziel der Arbeit ist es, Ansätze für einen verantwortungsbewussten Umgang mit Themen rechtsextremen Schwerpunkts für Medienmacher zu finden. Es werden 7 Aussteiger zu ihren Erfahrungen mit Medien in der Szene befragt. Zu den wichtigsten Ergebnissen dieser Arbeit zählt die Erkenntnis, dass die rechtsextreme Führungsriege aktiv Berichterstattung in den Massenmedien rezipiert und systematisch auswertet, um auf dieser Basis ihre politischen Selbstinszenierungsstrategien zu entwickeln. Die Szene reagiert also taktisch auf Berichte in den Massenmedien und versucht diese durch Anschlusskommunikation für ihre Zwecke zu instrumentalisieren. Wichtig für die Berichterstattung über Rechtsextremismus erscheint den Probanden die Betonung der Pluralität der Szene und eine ausführliche Hintergrundberichterstattung, die im besten Falle identitätsstiftende Attribute rechtsextremer Gruppen dekonstruiert und somit deren Glaubwürdigkeit in Frage stellt. English AbstractThe present study examines the question of which reactions are triggered by different forms of media reporting on right-wing extremism among the supporters of the right-wing scene and which strategies they pursue in order to optimize their medial self-staging. The aim of the work is to find approaches for a responsible dealing with right-wing extremist issues for media-makers. Seven former right-wing extremists are asked about their experiences with the media while they were in the movement. One of the most important results of this study is the recognition that right-wing extremist leaders actively receive and systematically evaluate media coverage in the mass media in order to develop their political self-staging strategies on this basis. The movement thus tactically reacts to reports in the mass media and tries to exploit them for its own purposes by means of follow-up communication. For reporting on right-wing extremism, the interviewees consider it important to emphasise the plurality of the movement and to provide a detailed background report, which at best deconstructs the identity-generating attributes of right-wing extremist groups and thus calls their credibility into question. The article was written in German.

'Gefühle des Abgehängtseins', welche vor allem in ländlichen Räumen vorzufinden seien, werden oft als Erklärung für den Wahlerfolg der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) bei der Bundestagswahl 2017 herangezogen. Was unter 'abgehängt sein' zu verstehen ist, wird wissenschaftlich jedoch nicht definiert. In diesem Thünen Working Paper setze ich mich deshalb systematisch damit auseinander, wie der Ausdruck 'Abgehängtsein' im Kontext des AfD-Wahlerfolgs 2017 und ländlicher Regionen diskursiv besetzt und in welche inhaltlichen Zusammenhänge er gebettet wird. Dabei greife ich auf die Methodik der Grounded Theory zurück. 233 Beiträge(online und print) des populär-medialen Diskurses stellen den Materialkorpus dar. Neben Artikeln aus überregionalen Tages- und Wochenzeitungen habe ich auch Beiträge aus regionalen Zeitungen und durch die Onlinesuche bedingt auch Magazinartikel sowie vereinzelt Fernseh- sowie Audiobeiträge einbezogen. Die Sichtung der Printmedien wurde auf das dritte und vierte Quartal 2017 beschränkt. Deutlich werden drei verschiedene (im oben benannten Kontext verortete) Formen des 'Abgehängtseins': infrastrukturell, wirtschaftlich und kulturell. Das 'Abgehängtsein' geht dabei sowohl mit einem Gefühlskonglomerat aus Ängsten, Unzufriedenheit und Ohnmacht als auch mit einer Kritik am demokratischen System selbst einher. ; Feelings of being 'left behind,' which, according to the discourse, can be found especially among people in rural areas, are often cited as an explanation for the success of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in the 2017 federal elections. The concept of being 'left behind' has not been scientifically defined. Therefore, in this Thünen Working Paper, I examine systematically what meanings are discursively attached to the expression being 'left behind' in the context of the success of the AfD in the 2017 elections, and the rural regions and in which these connections are embedded. For this analysis, I use the methodology of Grounded Theory. The material corpus consists of 233 articles (online and print) of the popular media discourse.In addition toe xamining articles from national daily and weekly newspapers,I have included in my analysis articles from regional newspapers, and, through an online search, magazine articles and occasional television and audio reports. My review of the print media was limited to reports that appeared in the third and fourth quarters of 2017. In the abovementioned context, three different discursive forms of being 'left behind' – economically, culturally, and in access to infrastructure– become evident. Being 'left behind' goes hand in hand with a conglomeration of feelings of fear, dissatisfaction, and powerlessness; and with a criticism of the democratic system itself.

Aufgrund steigender Zahlen rechtsextremer Jugendlicher wird es in der sozialarbeiterischen Praxis zunehmend notwendig, Handlungs- und Umgangsweisen zu entwickeln, um diesen Haltungen wirkungsvoll begegnen zu können. Konzepte der Sozialarbeit mit rechtsextrem orientierten Jugendlichen ("akzeptierende" und "konfrontierende" Ansätze) fokussieren oft jeweils einseitig spezifische Bereiche des Problems und bleiben damit unzureichend. Die komplexen Wirkungszusammenhänge rechtsextremer Orientierungen, die sich sowohl aus biographischen Prozessen und der Familienvergangenheit als auch aus sozialen Rahmenbedingungen ergeben, werden weder erkannt, noch kann ihnen wirkungsvoll begegnet werden. In meinem Beitrag möchte ich anhand von Fallbeispielen aus meiner Untersuchung zur Gruppendynamik in rechten Jugendcliquen und der Zuwendung insbesondere von Mädchen und jungen Frauen zu diesem Spektrum (KÖTTIG 2004) die Begrenztheit der beiden häufig in der Sozialarbeit eingesetzten Konzepte diskutieren und aufzeigen, dass eine "ganzheitliche" – d.h. biographische – Perspektive zu tief greifenden Einsichten in rechtsextrem orientierte Haltungen und Aktivitäten führt. Auf der Basis des biographischen Fallverstehens können einerseits gezielte Ansatzpunkte für sozialarbeiterische Interventionen entwickelt und andererseits Selbstverstehensprozesse von weiblichen, aber auch männlichen Jugendlichen in Gang gesetzt werden. Solche Arten von Hilfestellungen unterstützen darin, politische Haltungen zu reflektieren, so dass ein Verbleiben in der rechten Szene unwichtig werden kann. Eine an der Biographie orientierte Herangehensweise ermöglicht dabei den Transfer zwischen sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschungsfragestellungen und der Einzelfallhilfe in der Sozialarbeit. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs080124 ; Because of the growing number of right wing extremist youths in Germany, it has become increasingly necessary in social work to develop forms of professional practice, which deal with the orientations of these adolescents in an effective way. Current ...

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una reflexión sobre las cuestiones éticas y metodológicas relacionadas con el estudio de la extrema derecha a través de la investigación close-up. La primera parte del artículo se centra en el estudio de la extrema derecha desde la perspectiva de los estudios sobre movimientos sociales (social movement studies), analizando, a través de la revisión bibliográfica, las implicaciones metodológicas que pueden surgir utilizando un enfoque cualitativo y cómo tratarlas. La segunda parte del artículo se basa en el trabajo de campo desarrollado durante mi investigación en CasaPound Italia, considerando las implicaciones éticas y los desafíos vinculados a la investigación de movimientos de extrema derecha desde una perspectiva close-up. En particular, se centra en los dilemas éticos y políticos que surgen como consecuencia de las elecciones metodológicas y teóricas utilizadas por el investigador, que se ocupan de todo el proyecto de investigación. ; The aim of this article is to present a reflection on the ethical and methodological issues related to the study of the extreme right through close-up research. The first part of the article focuses on the study of far right from a social movement studies perspective, analyzing through a review literature the methodological implications that a qualitative approach can arise and how dealing with them. The second part of the article is based on the fieldwork experienced during my research on CasaPound Italia, reporting the ethical implications and the challenges linked to researching far-right movements from a close-up perspective. In particular, is focuses on the ethical and political dilemmas arising as a consequence of methodological and theoretical choices used by the researcher, dealing with the whole research project.

This study analyzes the importance of parental socialization on the development of children's far right-wing preferences and attitudes towards immigration. Using longitudinal data from Germany, our intergenerational estimates suggest that the strongest and most important predictor for young people's right-wing extremism are parents' right-wing extremist attitudes. While intergenerational associations in attitudes towards immigration are equally high for sons and daughters, we find a positive intergenerational transmission of right-wing extremist party affinity for sons, but not for daughters. Compared to the intergenerational correlation of other party affinities, the high association between fathers' and sons' right-wing extremist attitudes is particularly striking.

This study analyzes the importance of parental socialization on the development of children's far right-wing preferences and attitudes towards immigration. Using longitudinal data from Germany, our intergenerational estimates suggest that the strongest and most important predictor for young people's right-wing extremism are parents' right-wing extremist attitudes. While intergenerational associations in attitudes towards immigration are equally high for sons and daughters, we find a positive intergenerational transmission of right-wing extremist party affinity for sons, but not for daughters. Compared to the intergenerational correlation of other party affinities, the high association between fathers' and sons' right-wing extremist attitudes is particularly striking.

"H.N.S.C. no. 104-45." ; Shipping list no.: 97-0227-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Microform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper investigates the consequences of immigration, crime and socio-economic depriviation for the performance of right-wing extremist and populist parties in the German city state of Hamburg between 1986 and 2005. The ecological determinants of voting for right-wing parties on the district level are compared to those for mainstream and other protest parties. Parallels and differences in spatial characteristics between right-wing extremist and populist parties' performance are identified. Our empirical results tend to confirm the general contextual sociological theory of right-wing radicalization by general social deprivation and immigration. Nevertheless they indicate that one has to be very cautious when interpreting the unemployment/crime - right-winger nexus. Moreover, crime does not seem to have a strong significant effect on right-wing populist parties' election successes despite its importance for their programmes and campaigns.

On July 22, 2011 Anders Behring Breivik bombed a government building in Oslo, resulting in the deaths of eight people. A few hours later he attacked a youth camp associated with the dominant liberal Labor Party of Norway killing 69 people, mostly teenagers. His act of mass murder captured world attention, as did his electronic distribution of an infamous document entitled 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, which proclaims a right-wing world view with unyielding hostility towards multiculturalism and the alleged "Islamization of Europe. While right-wing extremist groups in Norway has been weak and insignificant over the past decades, the large populist right wing party, the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet), has sustained a central role in the liberal democracy with a critical position on immigrant issues. My research focuses on the underlying ideology of historical and contemporary right wing extremism in Norway. This includes, among others, the Norwegian Nobel Laureate and Nazi sympathizer Knut Hamsun, the Norwegian fascist party (Nasjonal Samling) and the contemporary presence of xenophobic, anti-immigration and anti-Islamic right wing in Norway, including the larger context of the ideology and behavior of the mass-murderer Breivik. My research, drawing on archival research on the extreme right in Scandinavia and Europe and interviews with several prominent psychiatrists, politicians, authors on Knut Hamsun and experts on radical-right in Norway, suggest that close parallels can be noted between the rhetoric of Nazi anti-Semitism and modern Islamophobia, with incidental differences of group identities and the basis for perceiving a threat. Within the various forms of right wing extremism there are strikingly similar ideological structures used to justify political violence, and Breivik is a textbook example of how the growing presence of the right-wing extremist activity online can only be ignored at our peril. ; Right-Wing Extremism, Anders Behring Breivik, Norway, Terrorism, Extremism, Radical Right, Nazi, July 22, Knut Hamsun, Quisling ; A Thesis submitted to the College of Criminology and Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2013. ; April 18, 2013.

On July 22, 2011 Anders Behring Breivik bombed a government building in Oslo, resulting in the deaths of eight people. A few hours later he attacked a youth camp associated with the dominant liberal Labor Party of Norway killing 69 people, mostly teenagers. His act of mass murder captured world attention, as did his electronic distribution of an infamous document entitled 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, which proclaims a right-wing world view with unyielding hostility towards multiculturalism and the alleged "Islamization of Europe. While right-wing extremist groups in Norway has been weak and insignificant over the past decades, the large populist right wing party, the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet), has sustained a central role in the liberal democracy with a critical position on immigrant issues. My research focuses on the underlying ideology of historical and contemporary right wing extremism in Norway. This includes, among others, the Norwegian Nobel Laureate and Nazi sympathizer Knut Hamsun, the Norwegian fascist party (Nasjonal Samling) and the contemporary presence of xenophobic, anti-immigration and anti-Islamic right wing in Norway, including the larger context of the ideology and behavior of the mass-murderer Breivik. My research, drawing on archival research on the extreme right in Scandinavia and Europe and interviews with several prominent psychiatrists, politicians, authors on Knut Hamsun and experts on radical-right in Norway, suggest that close parallels can be noted between the rhetoric of Nazi anti-Semitism and modern Islamophobia, with incidental differences of group identities and the basis for perceiving a threat. Within the various forms of right wing extremism there are strikingly similar ideological structures used to justify political violence, and Breivik is a textbook example of how the growing presence of the right-wing extremist activity online can only be ignored at our peril. ; Right-Wing Extremism, Anders Behring Breivik, Norway, Terrorism, Extremism, Radical Right, Nazi, July 22, Knut Hamsun, Quisling ; A Thesis submitted to the College of Criminology and Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2013. ; April 18, 2013.

This article investigates whether the perceived threat of terrorism explains the support for right-wing Eurosceptic parties and Euroscepticism above and beyond other relevant variables, including perceived economic and immigration threats. We first examined the entire Eurobarometer samples of 2014 and 2015, and then conducted survey experiments in four European Union (EU) countries, that is, United Kingdom (N = 197), France (N = 164), Italy (N = 312), and Romania (N = 144). Our findings suggest that the perceived threat of terrorism has a small effect on the negative attitudes toward the EU above and beyond the effect of immigration and economic threats and other basic control variables. The relationship between these variables varies across countries and it is less linear than we might expect.

This briefing note explores the potential threat posed by the Yellow Vest Canada movement (YVC) being arguably infiltrated and co-opted by right-wing extremist (RWE) groups, and the possible escalation this may cause. The YVC has the potential to evolve from a peaceful movement into a national security threat. Yellow Vesters have become increasingly characterized by their death threats against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, clashes with counter-protesters, and the movement's growing support from local RWE groups, seeking to utilize the YVC as a means for expanding their supporter base and normalizing extremist rhetoric. In the event of the adoption of YVC by RWE groups, there is the potential for extremist narratives to be pushed into the normative political sphere and turn the YVC movement into a Violent Transnational Social Movement (VTSM).

This briefing note explores the potential threat posed by the Yellow Vest Canada movement (YVC) being arguably infiltrated and co-opted by right-wing extremist (RWE) groups, and the possible escalation this may cause. The YVC has the potential to evolve from a peaceful movement into a national security threat. Yellow Vesters have become increasingly characterized by their death threats against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, clashes with counter-protesters, and the movement's growing support from local RWE groups, seeking to utilize the YVC as a means for expanding their supporter base and normalizing extremist rhetoric. In the event of the adoption of YVC by RWE groups, there is the potential for extremist narratives to be pushed into the normative political sphere and turn the YVC movement into a Violent Transnational Social Movement (VTSM).