Suchergebnisse

Oliver GEDEN untersucht in seiner qualitativen Untersuchung das Männlichkeitsverständnis in der Freiheitlichen Partei Österreichs (FPÖ). Damit soll über die Kategorie Geschlecht eine zentrale lebensweltliche Dimension des Rechtsextremismus erschlossen werden. Während die geschlechtsspezifischen Affinitäten von Frauen zum Rechtsextremismus seit Beginn der 90er Jahre verstärkt untersucht wurden, fehlen bislang solche geschlechtertheoretisch angeleiteten Studien über Jungen und Männer im Rechtsextremismus. In der Studie werden Männlichkeitsdiskurse anhand zweier "freiheitlicher" Periodika und mittels der Interpretation von Gruppendiskussionen mit FPÖ-Funktionären analysiert. GEDENs Studie stellt eine Pionierarbeit im Bereich der geschlechtertheoretisch fundierten Rechtsextremismusforschung dar. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs0402132 ; Until now there has been a dearth of qualitative research on right-wing extremist organizations. We know little about the daily routines of "doing politics" in these specific life-worlds. There is also little research concerning the gendered substructure of right-wing extremist parties. Many of the studies that have been done focus on women's roles in such organizations, but the vast majority of its members and supporters, namely men, are seldom analyzed. In his excellent study, Oliver GEDEN explores a rather difficult field of research, examining in which way one of the most successful right-wing extremist parties in Europe, the Freedom Party of Austria, is constructing masculinity. GEDEN not only analyzes the masculinity discourse in two party periodicals, he also conducts group discussions with party officials in order to reconstruct what masculinity means to them in their everyday lives. Furthermore, he reflects about the specific conditions of doing qualitative research on right-wing extremist organizations, particularly on the handling of access restrictions and the requirements of research ethics. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs0402132 ; En la actualidad ha habido una falta de investigación ...

This article will attempt to explain how Right-wing American populists who often pride themselves on their "Judeo-Christian" values have arrived at non-Christian (if not anti-Christian) perspectives on migration. Utilizing Donald M. Kerwin's contribution to Christianity and the Law of Migration, this article suggests that we can better understand the method of constructing anti-immigrant rhetoric on a perceived Christian foundation through scriptural exegesis. Placing Kerwin's chapter alongside various scriptural passages and other scholars' work, this article will propose that Right-wing populists have constructed an ascriptural Jesus in order to justify certain tenets of the Right's political agenda. One primary tenant of this political agenda is the exclusivism and nationalism inherent in the Right's anti-immigration policy.

New right-wing extremist parties all over Europe have been described as adopting a master framethat combines xenophobia and anti-political establishment populism (Rydgren 2004). In Sweden the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) have emerged as the dominating newright-wing extremist party that was able to more than double their share of votes from the 2010 tothe 2014 parliamentary elections (2010: 5.7%, 2014: 12.9%). We conducted a vignette study in arepresentative sample of the Swedish population shortly before and after the 2014 nationalelections, which helps us to analyse the social distance between the majority population and theMuslim minority. We are explicitly taking into account the prevalence of right-wing populistattitudes in the population and their support for SD in the 2010 and 2014 elections. Our resultsshow that; (1) anti-minority attitudes (held by 36% of the population) but not anti-establishmentattitudes (held by 37% of the population) predict increased social distance to Muslims and eventowards persons that are only presented as having a foreign name, (2) SD voters hold drasticallymore negative views about Muslims than does any other voter group, (3) the vote for SD is purelydriven by anti-minority sentiments, not anti-establishmentarism. In conclusion, while SD mightpresent its cause in the language of anti-establishment populism and their voters mightlegitimise their voting choice by this principle, SD voters' intentions are fundamentallyrooted in xenophobia. ; Analytical Sociology: Theoretical Developments and Empirical Research

In this study we explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour in the countries of the European Union and Norway from a micro and macro perspective. Using a multidisciplinary multilevel approach, we take into account individual-level social background characteristics and public opinion alongside country characteristics and characteristics of extreme right-wing parties themselves. By making use of large-scale survey data (N = 49,801) together with country-level statistics and expert survey data, we are able to explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour from this multilevel perspective. Our results show that cross-national differences in support of extreme right-wing parties are particularly due to differences in public opinion on immigration and democracy, the number of non-Western residents in a country and, above all, to party characteristics of the extreme right-wing parties themselves.

The recent rise of xenophobic attacks against refugees in Germany has sparked both political and scholarly debates on the drivers, dynamics, and consequences of right-wing violence. Thus far, a lack of systematic data collection and data processing has inhibited the quantitative analysis to help explain this social phenomenon. This paper introduces a new georeferenced event dataset on anti-refugee violence and social unrest in Germany in 2014 and 2015 based on a public chronicle. Our dataset includes information of 1645 events of four different types of right-wing violence and social unrest: demonstrations, assault, arson attacks, and miscellaneous attacks against refugee housing. After discussing how the dataset was constructed, we offer a descriptive analysis of patterns of right-wing violence and unrest in Germany in 2014 and 2015. We conclude by outlining preliminary ideas on how the dataset can be used in future research.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context.

This paper aims to portray theoretical debates to better understand the current state of the populist movements and political parties in the European Union, which is hit by various kinds of social-economic and financial difficulties leading to the escalation of fear and prejudice vis-à-vis 'others' who are ethno-culturally and religiously different. The main premise of this paper is that the ongoing social-political-economic-financial change in the EU resulting in fear against the unknown such as Islam, Muslims, refugees and migrants is likely to be turned by individual agents into cultural/religious/civilizational reification and political radicalization in order to overcome fear. The findings of this paper derive from a qualitative fieldwork held within the framework of a Horizon 2020 Research Project called "Critical Heritages (CoHERE): performing and representing identities in Europe".1 The fieldwork was held the research team in Dresden, Toulon, Rome, Rotterdam, Athens and Istanbul between March and May 2017. The main premise of this work in progress is to claim that pathologizing right-wing populism is not scientifically and politically productive. Rather than being the cause of the current state of political crisis in many European Union countries, right-wing populism should be interpreted as one of the symptoms of the long-neglected structural problems augmented by neo-liberal forms of governmentality.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto -religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

Barry Mauer began the comic series Deadly Delusions in 2013 in response to the increasingly extreme and dangerous right-wing propaganda he had observed over the past several decades. His aim for the project has been to combine scholarship, maximal rhetorical force, and a punk do-it-yourself aesthetic. Deadly Delusions shifts away from debates about whether the media is biased or if it is fair to both sides. Rather, it asks whether the media is spreading mass delusion and pushing eliminationist policies. ; peer-reviewed

The paper compares neoliberal market-fundamentalism and right-wing populism on the basis of its core patterns of thinking and reasoning. Hence we offer an analysis of the work of important founders of market-fundamental economic thinking (particularly von Mises) and an established definition of populism (demonstrated by the example of arguments brought forward by leading populists, like Trump). In doing so, we highlight conceptual resemblances of these two approaches: Both assume a dually divided world that is split into only two countervailing parts. Right-wing populism shows a society split into two groups, fighting against each other. In a similar vein, neoliberal market-fundamentalists argue that there are only two possible countervailing economic and societal orders. We argue that the categorical analogies between neoliberal marketfundamentalism and right-wing populism could provide the basis for a new form of authoritarian neoliberalism.

This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.

Recent events such as the US presidential campaign have polarised public opinion, particularly in terms of support for 'populist' political figures, e.g., Donald Trump, and the seemingly non-egalitarian ideologies that they promote. One might anticipate that disempowered social groups, such as women or sexual minorities, would reject 'right-wing populism', as it rarely appears to advocate their interests or facilitate their empowerment. Yet the existence of movements like 'Gays for Trump' and '#WomenWhoVoteTrump' indicate more complex patterns of support. How might we understand this from gender and sexualities perspectives? This paper presents the proceedings of a round table discussion. Our contributors, members of a cross-institutional social psychological Gender and Sexualities Research Group, each presented a brief five-minute interpretation of the phenomenon. They did so from gender and/or sexualities perspectives, drawing upon different social psychological theory. A chaired debate followed. Key themes from the round table are identified which are potentially helpful in understanding the phenomenon. The broader implications of these themes for practice and theory are considered in terms of the concept of 'safe identities'.

Closed access. This is a chapter from the book 'Rechtspopulismus und Rechtsextremismus in Europa. Die Herausforderung der Zivilgesellschaft durch alte Ideologien und neue Medien'.

This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support. ; This article was prepared within the project PREWORK ("Young Precarious Workers in Poland and Germany: A Comparative Sociological Study on Working and Living Conditions, Social Consciousness and Civic Engagement") funded by the National Science Center in Poland and the German Research Foundation (DFG), the NCN project number UMO-2014/15/G/HS4/04476, the DFG project number TR1378/1-1