Suchergebnisse

Populizam kao suvremeni izazov liberalnoj demokraciji može predstavljati prijetnju, ali i potencijalan korektiv demokraciji. Ovaj rad bavi se tipovima desnog populizma u Europi. Pretpostavlja se postojanje razlika unutar kategorije desno populističkih stranka u starim i novim demokracijama u Europi. Počinje se od određenja desnog populizma te njegovih ključnih elemenata: populizam, autoritarizam i nativizam. Program desno populističkih stranaka uključuje negativan stav prema manjinama, antiimigrantsku politiku i euroskepticizam. Cilj rada je uočiti ključne elemente koje su jednake u tim strankama, ali i uočiti potencijalne razlike među njima. Shodno tome kompariraju se četiri desno populističke stranke: poljska stranka Pravo i pravednost (PiS), francuska stranka Nacionalno okupljanje (RN), češka stranka Sloboda i izravna demokracija (SPD) i norveška Napredna stranka (FrP). U prikaz stranaka ulazi pregled postojeće znanstvene literature o navedenim strankama te usporedba stranačkih programa koja uključuje bazu podataka Manifesto Project Database (MPD). MPD sadržava kvalitativne podatke o tome kojoj temi, javnoj politici i političkoj poziciji političke stranke posvećuju pažnju u svojim izbornim i stranačkim programima. Desno populističke stranke pokazuju razlike prema svojim socioekonomskim pozicijama, poziciji prema Europskoj uniji, Rusiji i drugim međunarodnim organizacijama te koga uključuju u "opasne druge, to jest u njihovom odnosu prema etničkim i seksualnim manjima. Uočene su razlike na ekonomskoj dimenziji pa su tako neke stranke za tržišnu ekonomiju i privatizaciju, dok su druge za državni intervencionizam i povećanje socijalnih naknada. Na kulturnoj dimenziji zauzimaju sličnu radikalno desnu poziciju, no razlikuju se prema tome koju skupinu uključuju u svoje poimanje "opasnih drugih". Desni populisti pokazuju pozitivno lice populizma kada kritiziraju tehnokraciju, to jest demokratski elitizam i u svoj koncept naroda uključuju seksualne manjine. S druge strane, negativno lice pokazuju kada u "opasne ...

Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.

Tema rada je desni populizam, vrlo jak i raširen na cijeloj sjevernoj polutki; ovdje nas zanima naša zemlja i njoj najbliže. Najprije općenito karakteriziramo populizam, a onda razmatramo njegov odnos s najbližim mu pojavama, nacionalizmom i patriotizmom. Zanimljiv je fenomen u Hrvatskoj odsutnost snažnih jasno populističkih stranki usprkos snažnoj nacionalističkoj orijentaciji u izbornoj bazi; najjednostavnije je objašnjenje da je HDZ uspio preuzeti važne teme desnog populizma, a ipak sačuvati formu i ideologiju parlamentarne demokracije. Koliko je to rješenje stabilno vidjet će se u budućnosti. Uspon populizma promijenio je okvir političkih dilema kod nas i u svijetu; zastupnici suprotnih stajališta sada moraju ponovno promisliti pretpostavke na kojima djeluju i ponuditi nova rješenja. ; The topic of the paper is right-wing populism, strong and widespread throughout the Northern Hemisphere; although the focus is on Croatia and its closest neighborhood. First, the author defines populism and then considers its relationship with its closest phenomena, nationalism, and patriotism. An interesting puzzle about Croatia is the absence of strong, clearly populist parties, despite a strong nationalist orientation in the electoral base; the simplest explanation is that the strongest party, HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union) has managed to take on important topics of right-wing populism while still preserving the form and ideology of parliamentary democracy. How stable this solution is will be seen in the future. The rise of populism has changed the frame of political contestation in our country and in the world; proponents of opposing political standpoints must now rethink the assumptions of their political action and offer new solutions.

Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.

U radu se definira novo krilo za postojeći zrakoplov Robin ATL na kojem se vrši preinaka na električni pogonski sustav. Fokus ovog rada je izrada novog krila s boljim aerodinamičkim karakteristikama za ovu verziju zrakoplova. Analize će se vršiti u programu XFLR5. Utjecaj trupa, repnih površina i stajnog trapa se zanemaruje. Da se dobiju referentne vrijednosti, analizirat će se postojeća krila čiji će se rezultati usporediti s rezultatima novog krila. Odabir parametra krila će se odraditi u 3 razine: prvo će se analizirati utjecaj geometrije krila na aerodinamičke karakteristike i temeljem toga će se odrediti geometrija krila. Nakon odabira geometrije krila na temelju rangiranja rezultata analize krila s različitim profilima odabrat će se profil za krilo. Zadnji dio analize je utjecaj wingleta na aerodinamičke karakteristike krila i taj dio analize će se napraviti za krilo odabrane geometrije i profila. Na kraju rada će se usporediti rezultati novog i starog krila. ; In this thesis a new wing for an existing airplane "Robin ATL" is defined. This airplane will have an electric propulsion system built in. The focus of this thesis is design of a new wing with better aerodynamic characteristics for this version of airplane. The analysis will be done in XFLR5. Influence of airplane body, tail surfaces and landing gear is not taken into account. Existing wing will be analyzed to obtain reference values for comparison with th new wing design. Wing parameter definition will be done in 3 levels: first the influence of wing geometry on aerodynamic characteristics of wing will be analyzed. Based on this, wing geometry will be defined. After that influence of the airfoils will be analyzed. Based on this results airfoil will be chosen. Lastly, the influence of the winglet on the wing characteristics is analyzed and it is done for the wing with previously determined geometry and airfoil. Results of the proposed new and old wing will be compared at the end of the thesis.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da je rješenje političkog, pravnog, kulturnog i društvenog položaja manjina u nekom društvu mjerilo demokratizacije i modernizacije tog društva, odnos prema migrantima mjerilo je stupnja svijesti o tome da poštivanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava, određenih u dokumentima UN-a, podrazumijeva i pravo migranata na razvoj i na to da ne žive u siromaštvu. Ženevska konvencija (1951.), koja se odnosi na status izbjeglica, izmijenjena Protokolom iz New Yorka (1967.), bila je osnova za razvoj zajedničke azilantske politike Europske unije. Od 1999. godine EU je počela stvarati tu politiku, što je rezultiralo Dublinskom regulativom (2013.). U 2015. godini više od milijun izbjeglica s Bliskog istoka i iz Sjeverne Afrike došlo je u Europu, iz dva razloga, prvo, da sačuvaju živote uslijed ratnih sukoba u svojim zemljama i drugo, da pronađu političku i ekonomsku sigurnost, prvenstveno u Njemačkoj i skandinavskim zemljama. Način na koji su države članice EU nastojale da europski odgovor na migrantsku krizu bude u skladu sa međunarodnim i pravom EU, posebno (ne)prihvaćanje sustava kvota – preraspodjele migranata u državama članicama, zatvaranje tzv. Balkanske rute, koja je izbjeglice vodila od Turske, preko Grčke, Makedonije i Srbije ka zemalja članicama EU, njihovo kolektivno vraćanje, zbog čega su balkanske zemlje u strahu da će postati tampon zona, a izbjeglice da će ostati blokirane na Balkanu, otvorio je pitanje poštivanja ljudskih prava i revizije azilantske politike EU. Zato se javila i potreba stvaranja novog područja međunarodne zaštite prava migranata, posebno prava na rad i razvoj, čime se bavi ovaj znanstveno-istraživački rad. ; Starting from the premise that the political, legal, cultural and social status of minorities may be used to measure the degree of democracy and modernization reached by a particular society, attitudes towards immigrants may be used to measure the degree of awareness indicating that respect for universal human rights recognized in relevant United Nations documents, including the right to development and living above the poverty. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Geneva, 1951) and its Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (New York, 1967) underpin the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Since 1999, the EU has been working to create a CEAS, resulting in common rules laid down in the Dublin Regulation (2013). In 2015, more than a million refugees fled their Middle Eastern and North African homelands and came to Europe for two reasons. Firstly, they were literally running to save their lives, and secondly, they were fleeing in search for a secure livelihood and political stability (primarily, to Germany and the Scandinavian countries). The way in which EU Member States sought to ensure compliance with international and EU legislation in their response to the refugee crisis, in particular by: (not)accepting the proposed quota system – distribution of migrants across EU member states, closing the gates along the so-called Western Balkan Route, the main transit route for migrants heading towards EU member states from Turkey, via Greece, Macedonia and Serbia, and their collective return, which caused Balkan countries fear of becoming buffer zone for refugees and the refugees fear of being trapped in the Balkans, raised the issue of human rights and revision of the European Asylum Policy. Therefore, there is a need to create a new segment of international protection of the rights of migrants, in particular the right to work and development, which is a subject that is dealt with in this research paper.

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

U povijesnoj osnovi europskih integracija, kao i u fazi pristupanja svake nove članice, leži nada u bolje sutra, u gospodarski napredak države i pojedinca. U radu se istražuje u kojoj je mjeri siromaštvo poticaj migriranju radne snage u potrazi za kvalitetnijom i sigurnijom egzistencijom unutar EU-a. Materijalna dobra osobe, obitelji i države pretpostavka su ostvarenja ljudskih prava. U radu se istražuju podatci Eurostata o stanju u RH nakon petogodišnjeg članstva u EU-u. Budući da su migracije radne snage potaknute materijalnom oskudicom, na razini Europske unije neizbježno dolazi do relociranih obitelji, ali i imovine. Zbog nade u povratak i obiteljskih veza koje se održavaju ovisno o tradiciji i osjećaju pripadnosti nacionalnom identitetu, nesumnjivo dolazi do usporednih bračno-imovinskih ili partnerskih režima. Uredbama EU-a iz 2016. godine uspostavlja se mehanizam pojačane suradnje u imovinskim učincima braka i registriranih partnerstava. Istražuju se uzroci i nastoje se predvidjeti posljedice sve brojnijih transnacionalno relociranih obitelji. ; The history of European integrations, as well as the accession of each new member state, is based on the hope for a better future, the economic progress of the state and the individual. The paper examines the impact of poverty on labor migration. Citizens of the EU member states are in permanent search for a better quality of life and more secure existence within the EU borders. The material goods of a person, family, and state are a prerequisite for the realization of human rights.The paper compares EUROSTAT data after five years of Croatian membership in the EU. Migrations of labour within the EU caused by economic crisis inevitably result in relocated transnational families and their property . The hope of return to the home country and maintenance of family ties, which depends on tradition and sense of national identity inevitably leads to parallel matrimonial or registered partnership property regimes. The 2016 EU Regulations establish a mechanism authorizing ...

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

Autor u radu na temelju dostupnih arhivskih izvora, tiska i relevantne literature analizira i rekonstruira odnos Franje Tuđmana i političara pravaške orijentacije iz pravaških stranaka. Osnovna je istraživačka hipoteza da je odnos između Tuđmana i Hrvatske stranke prava (HSP) kao stožerne pravaške stranke u hrvatskome političkom životu i stranačkom sustavu imao dvije razvojne faze. U prvoj fazi koja je trajala od 1990. do 1993. bila je nazočna radikalna kritika Tuđmana i njegove vlasti, koji je s druge strane također negativno gledao i osuđivao radikalnu politiku pravaškog vodstva, naročito ustašonostalgiju. Druga faza od 1993. do 1999. je ona nakon pravaškog raskola i promjene u vodstvu HSP-a pa sve do Tuđmanove smrti. Kritika HSP-a na račun Tuđmana je u toj fazi izostala, a sam Tuđman je prema HSP-u i novom vodstvu bio iznimno tolerantan. ; Based on the archive materials, press analysis and relevant literature review, the author reconstructs the relationship between Franjo Tuđman and far right political parties in Croatia. The main argument is that the relationship between Tuđman and HSP (leading far right party) had two phases of development. Throughout the first phase (1990-1993) there was radical critique directed towards Tuđman and his government. Tuđman on the other hand never approved of the fact that HSP was using Ustaše symbols and myths to gain popularity. The beginning of the second phase was marked by the change in HSP leadership. Throughout the second phase HSP was less critical about Tuđman and the state leadership. Tuđman on the other hand tolerated HSP and its political activity.

Ostvarivanje ljudskih prava u starosti znači prije svega skrb za kvalitetu života osoba oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti i sprječavanje diskriminacije na osnovi starosti i bolesti. U ovome radu analiziramo najkvalitetnije instrumente zaštite ljudskih prava oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti, a koji se temelje na načelima autonomije, samoodređenja i najboljeg interesa oboljele osobe. Takvi se zahtjevi najbolje mogu ostvariti u sustavima koji predviđaju više različitih modaliteta zaštite oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti. Pravni status skrbnika i odlučivanje o pravima, interesima i potrebama osoba oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti uz podršku, informirani pristanak oboljele osobe na medicinski tretman i/ili istraživanje o samoj bolesti kao i mogućnost sklapanja anticipirane naredbe instrumenti su zaštite njihovih ljudskih prava. Život osoba treće dobi reguliran je zakonskim mjerama i politikama koje nisu posebno okrenute njihovim potrebama, te u svojoj suštini krše temeljna ljudska prava, osobito kada je riječ o osobama oboljelima od Alzheimerove bolesti. Palijativna skrb jedna je od tih mjera koje treba smatrati temeljnim ljudskim pravom oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti. ; The management of human rights in old age primarily refers to providing care related to the quality of life of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease and preventing discrimination on the basis of age and illness. This paper analyses the best instruments for the protection of human rights of those suffering from Alzheimer's disease based on the principles of autonomy, self-determination, and the patient's best interests. Such requirements can best be met in systems providing several various forms of protection for people suffering from Alzheimer's disease. The legal status of caregivers and making decisions regarding the rights, interests, and needs of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease with the support, informed consent of the patient to medical treatment, and/or research of the disease itself, as well as the option of anticipated disposition, are all instruments for the protection of their human rights. The life of the elderly is regulated by legal measures and policies which are not directly focused on their needs and inherently violate basic human rights, especially in the case of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease. Palliative care is one of the measures which should be considered a basic human right of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease.

Cilj je ovog rada utvrditi čimbenike koji utječu na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. Upravni sudovi u Republici Hrvatskoj moraju u svom dje- lovanju istovremeno uključivati pravo koje razvija Sud u Strasbourgu, kvali- ficirano kao konvencijsko pravo, a i pravo zajednice koje razvija Sud u Lux- embourgu. U tu svrhu, autor razmatra utjecaj konvencijskog prava i prava Europske unije na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. ; The aim of this paper was to determine the factors that affect the protection of the rights of the parties in the administrative dispute. Administrative courts in Croatia have in their activities at the same time include the right to develop the Court in Strasbourg and the right of a community to develop the Court in Luxembourg. To this end, the author discusses the impact of Convention rights and the rights of the European Union to protect the rights of the parties in administrative dispute.

Svrha je rada upotpuniti spoznaje o populizmu u kontekstu hrvatskoga društva, s naglaskom na prihvaćanju populizma među mladima kao nositeljima budućega društvenog razvoja. Budući da su za istraživanje sklonosti populizmu mediji, kao oblikovatelji javnoga mišljenja, među najvažnijim izvorima relevantnih spoznaja, posebna se pozornost posvećuje odnosu upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i prihvaćanju populizma. Istraživanje je provedeno na dvoetapno izabranom neprobabilističkom uzorku od 1189 studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, kako bi se utvrdili odnosi između sklonosti studenata općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu te njihovih navika upotrebe dnevnoinformativnih portala i nekih individualnih obilježja. Rezultati pokazuju kako kod studenata postoje trendovi niske, ali značajne povezanosti između upotrebe većine portala i sklonosti općem, lijevom i desnom populizmu. Utvrđena je povezanost obrazovanja roditelja sa studentskom sklonosti lijevom i desnom populizmu te razlike u tim sklonostima u odnosu na sociodemografska obilježja, razinu studija, studijsko usmjerenje, političku orijentaciju, religioznost i povjerenje u institucije. ; The purpose of the paper is to fulfil the findings on populism in the context of Croatian society, with an emphasis on the acceptance of populism among young people as bearers of the future social development. Media, as a form of public opinion, are among the most important sources of relevant insights for the study of the rise of populism. The paper pays special attention to the relationship between the use of daily news portals, and the acceptance of populism. The study was conducted on a two-stage non-probabilistic sample of 1189 students of the University of Zagreb, in order to determine the relationships between students' preferences in general, left-wing and right-wing populism, their habits of using daily news portals, and some individual characteristics. The results show that there is a low but significant correlation between the use of most portals, and the preference for general, left- -wing and right-wing populism among students. The correlation between the education of parents with student preferences of left-wing and right-wing populism was found, as well as differences in these preferences with respect to some sociodemographic characteristics, level of study, study orientation, political orientation, religiosity and trust in institutions.