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In the article it is given the historical analysis of criminal-legal means of counteractionto such a criminal offense, as mass riots. The research allowed the author to maketheoretically substantiated conclusions and proposals which may be taken as a principleof improvement of the criminal legislation of our country. ; В статье дан исторический анализ уголовно-правовых средств противодействия такому уголовному преступлению, как массовые беспорядки. Исследование позволило автору сделать научно обоснованные выводы и предложения, которые могут быть положены в основу совершенствования отечественного уголовного законодательства.

The article deals with the process of a political сrowdfunding. The study highlighted the reasons for the emergence of this phenomenon. The authors carried out a comparative analysis of four fund-raising campaign: second campaign to raise funds for the Alexei Navalny's project "Rospil" in 2013, raising funds of the Moscow Helsinki Group, fundraising to the Eugene Chirikov's election fund, fundraising in support of Pussy Riot. Authors prove choice of the Russian politicians mechanism to collect funds to a political campaign. The paper characterizes the trends of political сrowdfunding in Russia. ; Встатьерассматриваетсяпроцессстановленияполитическогокраудфандинга. Выделяютсяпричиныпоявлениеданногофеномена. Осуществляетсясравнительныйанализчетырехкампанийпосборусредств: втораякампанияпосборусредствнапроект "РосПил" АлексеемНавальнымв 2013 г., сборсредствМосковскойХельсинкскойгруппой, сборсредстввизбирательныйфондЕвгенииЧириковой, атакжесборсредстввподдержку Pussy Riot. Обосновываетсявыборроссийскимиполитикамимеханизмасборасредстввполитическойкампании. ХарактеризуютсятенденцииразвитияполитическогокраудфандингавРоссии.

The article is devoted to the current problem of student and youth protest actions that took place in South Africa in 2015-2017. The author shows their influence on the political life of the country. The socioeconomic and ideological reasons for the initiation of the student riots are analyzed. The connection of protests with the general crisis of higher education in South Africa is traced. The study is based on the analysis of the South African print media of recent years. The author analyzes main events and results of the protests that took place in the autumn of 2015, the aggravation of the situation in the sphere of higher education in connection with the student riots in the autumn of 2016, and the unsuccessful attempt to hold the Higher Education National Convention in March 2017. These events became the stages of the movement "Fees must fall" for the abolition of universities fees. The author evaluates the participation of modern youth and student parties and associations in the protests. It is noted that youth and student protests are used by the left and radical parties of the South African political spectrum in the struggle for influence in the country.

в статье рассматриваются новые направления включения и исключения в российском обществе. Усиление законодательства о безопасности, которое ускорилось после панк-выступления Pussy Riot в Храме Христа Спасителя и волна гражданских про- тестов, которые вспыхнули до и после президентских выборов 2012 года, послужили ос- нованием для строительства новых форм идентичности. С того времени главные раздели- тельные дискурсы и цензурная деятельность были предложены представителями Русской Православной Церкви, так называемыми патриотическими активистами и защитниками традиционных российских норм. Таким образом, эти идентичности стали политическим инструментом идеологической борьбы на культурной территории. ; nonPeerReviewed

Gender, nat︠s︡ii︠a︡, klass: prolog k drame s neskolʹkimi aktorami -- Klassy nat︠s︡iĭ: O gendere, nat︠s︡ii i klasse v postkommunizme ; Polnyĭ Fuko: telo kak pole vlasti ; Mezhdu voĭnami: zhenskiĭ vopros v nat︠s︡ionalʹnykh proektakh v Sovetskoĭ Belorussii i Zapadnoĭ Belorusi -- Predlozhenie, ot kotorogo nevozmozhno otkazatʹsi︠a︡: "obmen zhenshchinami" kak osnova nekonstitut︠s︡ionnogo stroi︠a︡ -- Kapitalizm i globalizat︠s︡ii︠a︡: Kaznitʹ nelʹzi︠a︡ pomilovatʹ: gendernoe ravenstvo, razlichie, kapitalizm i sot︠s︡ializm ; Zheny "russkikh" programmistov, ili Zhenshchiny, kotorye edut vsled za muzhchinami -- I︠A︡zyk, pol, subʺekt: Li︠u︡bovʹ kak revoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii︠a︡, ili "Nesmotri︠a︡ na Gramshi" Poluty Bodunovoĭ ; O (ne)vozmozhnosti zhenskoĭ avtobiografii ; Stradanie i poisk smysla: "moralʹnye revoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii" Svetlany Aleksievich -- Feministskai︠a︡ kritika (postsovetskogo) feminizma: Nat︠s︡ionalʹnoe soznanie i mezhdunarodnoe priznanie: postsovetskai︠a︡ akademii︠a︡ v borʹbe za simvolicheskie rynki ; V predelakh t︠s︡ifrovoĭ vidimosti: klass-nye Pussy Riot ; Kapitalizm i patriarkhat: zametki o raspredelenii i priznanii

It is shown that the Arab Spring acted as a trigger for a global wave of socio-political destabilization, which signifi cantly exceeded the scale of the Arab Spring itself and affected absolutely all world-system zones. Only in 2011 the growth of the global number of largescale anti-government demonstrations, riots and political strikes was to a high degree (although not entirely) due to their growth in the Arab world. In the ensuing years, the Arab countries rather made a negative contribution to a very noticeable further increase in the global number of large-scale anti-government demonstrations, riots and general strikes (the global intensity of all these three important types of socio-political destabilization continued to grow despite the decline in the Arab world). Thus, for all these three important indicators of sociopolitical destabilization, the scale of the global echo of the Arab Spring has overshadowed the scale of the Arab Spring itself. Only as regards the fourth considered indicator (major terrorist attacks / guerrilla warfare) the scale of the global echo for the entire period considered did not overshadow the scale of the Arab Spring (and, incidentally, «Winter») - and in 2014-2015 Arab countries continued to make a disproportionate contribution to the historically record global values of this sad indicator – global number of major terrorist attacks/ guerilla warfare. To conclude, triggered by the Arab Spring, the global wave of socio-political destabilization led after 2010 to a very signifi cant growth of socio-political instability in absolutely all World System zones. However, this global destabilization wave manifested itself in different World System zones in different ways and not completely synchronously. ; В статье исследуется рост социально- политической нестабильности в мире после начала Арабской весны. Показано, что события в арабском мире выступили в качестве триггера глобальной волны социально-политической дестабилизации, значительно превысившей масштабы самой Арабской весны и затронувшей абсолютно все мир-системные зоны. Однако проявилась эта дестабилизационная волна в других макрозонах по- разному и не вполне синхронно. Авторы исследуют масштабы глобального эха Арабской весны на основе четырех показателей дестабилизации международной базs данных Cross-National Time Series (CNTS) – антиправительственные демонстрации, массовые беспорядки, политические забастовки, террористические акты / «партизанские действия», систематически сравнивая данные по этим показателям в арабских странах и в остальном мире. При этом общая динамика дестабилизационных процессов рассматривается за более продолжительный период – с 1920 по 2015 гг.

The article is devoted to the problem of the revolution impact on the government legitimacy. Revolutions in modern times have become a synonym of a legitimate way of overthrowing the existing government. If in previous historical era in politics the people´s right to riots and uprisings was denied, the current policy recognizes their right to revolution. Without recognition of this right, the revolution is not only deprived of legitimacy, but also the institutions which arise in the process of its implementation lose credibility. ; Посвящается проблеме влияния революции на легитимность власти. Революции в Новое время стали синонимом легитимного способа свержения существующей власти народом. Если в предшествующие исторические эпохи в политике отрицалось право народа на бунты и восстания, то современная политика признает право народа на революцию. Без признания этого права революция не только лишается доказательств ее закономерного характера, но и доверия к институтам власти, которые возникают в процессе ее осуществления.

The article presents materials of the semantic reconstruction of ideas of various forms of social protest among young people of two age groups based on the materials of an empirical study conducted in 2020. In the course of the study representatives of two socio-demographic groups of youth from Vladivostok (Primorsky Territory) were interviewed: higher education students aged 18–24 and young adults aged 25–30. The carried out semantic reconstruction allowed to formulate the structural and content characteristics of the young people ideas about the five significant forms of the collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and rebellion. The semantic connections of the protest forms with the existential and political values of the young people were revealed. The study also succeeded in reconstructing the emotional component of the protest phenomena ideas. The category structure of the semantic space of ideas about the forms of protest has been determined. Common categories identified on the basis of associations include "values and goals", "subjects", "emotions", "characteristics of a phenomenon", "protest", and "cultural and historical connotations". The general categories of protest assessment, according to the semantic differential (SD), include "iintellectuality and honesty", "hypocrisy and self-interest (honesty)", "peace – aggressiveness", "strength". These categories, identified on the material of associations, in comparison with the categories of thinking obtained using factor analysis of the semantic differential data, allow to reconstruct both rational and unconscious levels of ideas about protest. Comparative analysis of ideas about different forms of protest demonstrates that on an emotional level a rally is the closest to youth. On a rational level, the petition is also positively assessed, while the youth of both groups are dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of this form in practice. Young people do not associate radical forms of protest (riot and rebellion) with values and goals significant to them. At the affective level, they are perceived mostly negatively.

In general, the identified categories allow to reconstruct the structure of the organization of the subjective experience of perceiving different forms of political and social protest in two age groups of young people. The data obtained in this study can be useful for further study of protest moods, used by state authorities and political parties in practical work.

В данной статье представлены результаты социологического опроса, проведенного среди сельской молодежи Алтайского края в 2015 г. Целью исследования являлось изучение влияния этно-конфессиональных факторов на протестную активность сельской молодежи. В последние годы выросло количество конфликтов основанных на этно-конфессиональном факторе (События на Манежной площади в 2010 г., Саратовская область г. Пугачев 2013 г.). В результате проведенного исследования не подтвердилась гипотеза об активизации протестных настроений и высокой политической активности, основанной на этно-конфессиональном факторе. Вышеуказанный вывод подтверждается ответами респондентов на прямые, открытые, а также косвенные вопросы. Таким образом, органам власти не требуется проводить дополнительных мероприятий и пересматривать свою политику в сфере национальных и этно-конфессиональных отношений. ; This article presents the results of the sociological survey conducted among the rural youth of the Altai region in 2015. The aim of the survey was to analyze the influence of ethno confessional factors on protest activity of the rural youth. The recent years witnessed an increase in the number of conflicts based on the ethno confessional factor (riots on Manezh Square in 2010, the Saratov region, Pugachev in 2013). The results of the research did not confirm the hypothesis about the rise of protest moods and high political activity based on ethno confessional factor. The above mentioned conclusion is confirmed by the respondents' answers to direct, open and indirect questions. Consequently, the authorities do not need to take additional measures and revise their policy in the sphere of national and ethno confessional relations.

The article analyzes the drastic change in the hierarchy of values in the modern Russian society after the falsification of the Parliament elections in December 2011 and afterwards. In the oppositional discourse the traditional civil values (freedom, honour and honesty, patriotism, justice, etc.) turned into very topical ones and became explicit in the unprecedented creative activity of the riots. The semantics and pragmatics, as well as quasi-synonyms of 'honesty' exploited by the opposition are thoroughly scrutinized. The author argues that the flow of time changes hierarchy of values as it is being constructed in the regime of a dialogue and depends a lot on the governmental discourse. Being an universal notion, each civil value is represented by a specific profile. ; W artykule omawiane są fundamentalne zmiany w hierarchii wartości, jakie dokonują się we współczesnym społeczeństwie rosyjskim, poczynając od grudnia 2011 roku, po sfałszowaniu wyborów do Dumy Państwowej. W dyskursie opozycyjnym powraca się do tradycyjnych wartości obywatelskich (wolność, honor/čest', uczciwość/čestnost', patriotyzm, sprawiedliwość itd.), które stają się podstawą bezprecedensowej aktywności w tworzeniu nowych tekstów (plakatów, haseł) krytycznych wobec władzy. Szczególną uwagę autorka zwraca na semantykę, pragmatykę i quasi-synonimię 'uczciwości' (čestnost') i pokazuje, że hierarchia wartości jest konstruowana w starciu dialogowym i pod wieloma względami zależy od realiów społecznych i politycznych. Jest to – jej zdaniem -- prawidłowość ogólniejsza, bo w każdym społeczeństwie i odpowiednio w każdym języku uniwersalnym pojęciom aksjologicznym nadawany jest profil swoisty. ; There is no abstract available for this language

The article discusses the policy of the European Union (EU) in the Mediterranean region, which has a long history and is shaped by diverse interests. It is based on the Barcelona process built on thoughtful principles of interstate cooperation. Focusing on why the EU has failed to react correctly to the first events of the Arab spring (wave of demonstrations and coups that began in the Arab world on 18 December 2010 in Tunisia), and seeking to evaluate the potential effects of these events such as spreading of popular unrest, riots (which in some cases escalated into civil war and regime change) throughout the entire Mediterranean region, the author examines the Western experts' reinterpretation of Mediterranean policy of the EU under the impact of the events of the Arab spring, as well as their proposals for the development of important conceptual approaches to this region.Key words: Arab Spring, European Union, the policy of the European Union in the Mediterranean. ; В статье рассматривается политика Европейского союза в Средиземноморском регионе, имеющая продолжительную историю и ряд особенностей. В ее основе лежит Барселонский процесс, строящийся на продуманных принципах межгосударственного сотрудничества. Говорится о том, почему ЕС не смог правильно отреагировать на первые события «арабской весны» (волна демонстраций и путчей, начавшихся в арабском мире 18 декабря 2010 г. в Тунисе), оценить их возможные последствия и приостановить распространение народных волнений, массовых беспорядков (которые в ряде случаев переросли в гражданские войны и насильственные смены политических режимов) по всему Средиземноморскому региону. В статье анализируется переосмысление западными экспертами средиземноморской политики ЕС под воздействием событий «арабской весны», а также их предложения по разработке концептуально важных подходов к этому региону.Ключевые слова: «арабская весна», Европейский союз, политика ЕС в Средиземноморском регионе.

In article based on a wide range of sources development of food matter in the Siberian cities in the conditions of war, the reasons of high cost and speculation, a measure of fight against it, creation by the cities of own production enterprises is considered. Article purpose - to research activities of the government power and bodies of the municipal government in the sphere of providing the population with essential goods in Siberia in 1914-1918. The author determined the high cost reasons: frustration of means of communication (lack of transportation of products to the cities); increase in a tax burden, speculation, military orders, intensive release of bank notes that depreciated ruble. In article measures for organization of provincial (district) food committees, city commissions, entering of regulation of the prices, a card system, import bans and commodity exportation, to implementation of independent purchases, truck farming, crops, requisitions and surplus-appropriation systems are researched. It is established that there was no debugged system of entering of dachshunds, and in view of their scantiness goods disappeared from the consumer market, interruptions in products began, the underground markets, speculation and abuses in the sphere of food developed. It is emphasized that the card system on prime necessities (sugar, flour) was ineffective. In the conclusion conclusions are drawn that the state intervention in economy, the constraining and prohibitive measures gave only temporary effect. In many cities cases of mass actions needy against high cost and interruptions in products, riots of warehouses, benches and shops were repeatedly observed. In 1915-1918 process of "turning" by entrepreneurs of trading activities and closing of the entities sharply amplified. The cities of Siberia weren't ready to fuel crisis. The situation in the potrebitelny market remained difficult and was stabilized only in 1919. Copyright © 2017 by Sochi State University. Copyright © 2017 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o.