Suchergebnisse

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

This doctoral dissertation explores, why Poland pursued a policy of engagement and balancing towards Russia between the parliamentary elections in 2001 and the European Unions Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius in 2013. Such a policy was conducted by a middle power towards a major power, though in such cases structural realism predicts that middle powers either bandwagon or balance against major powers. Thus, this research employs neoclassical realist theory and the method of systematic process analysis to find out the reasons behind Poland's decisions in foreign policy and for that purpose four hypotheses are formulated and tested. It turned out that Poland engaged Russia for several reasons. In 2001-2005 and 2005-2007 Poland attempted to change Russia's intentions towards Poland. However, in 2007-2013 the pursuit of such policy was dictated by motives of domestic politics. But most importantly in three cases of 2001-2005, 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 Polish governments sought through a policy of engagement to show Western states, that Poland is not a "russophobic country," trying to entangle the EU and NATO into its drive to withhold Russia's expansionism.

Ruski inozemni turizam poznat je na svjetskom turističkom tržištu. Izvoz turističkih usluga u Rusiju zabranjen je sankcijama za ekonomije mnogih zemalja. U današnje vrijeme prisutne su nove tendencije koje bi trebale radikalno promijeniti strukturu ruskog domaćeg turizma i utjecati na inozemni turizam. Za to postoje vanjski i unutarnji tržišni i politički razlozi. U Rusiji država potiče razvoj domaćeg turizma različitim programima i strategijom njegova razvoja. Poduzetničke aktivnosti, konkurencija, investicija u turizam i turistička infrastruktura također su u porastu. U današnjoj Rusiji vidljiva je promjena od "inozemnog turizma" prema "domaćem turizmu". Ovo posljednje donosi dodatne prihode ruskim regijama. Sadašnja ekonomska i politička situacija doprinosi tom procesu. Pad prihoda uzrokovan ekonomskom krizom prisiljava Ruse da manje putuju u inozemstvo, a raste broj putnika u domaće jeftinije destinacije. Suočena s ekonomskim sankcijama ruska državna tijela traže unutrašnje investicije i mogućnosti smanjenja troškova uvoza. Počeli su više pažnje posvećivati domaćem turizmu. Pod sloganom "supstitucija uvoza" i "protusankcije" neke restrikcije koje utječu na međunarodni turizam, preferencije prema domaćem turizmu i stimulacija potražnje elaborirane su u ovom radu. Također i restrikcije inozemnog turizma kao i zabrana stranim kompanijama da djeluju na ruskom turističkom tržištu postali su politički faktor. Pad ruskog inozemnog turizma jača konkurenciju među svojim destinacijama, a povezano je i s Republikom Hrvatskom. Broj ruskih turista u Hrvatskoj pada iz godine u godinu. S jedne strane to može imati negativan utjecaj na hrvatsko turističko tržište, a s druge strane može otvoriti nove mogućnosti za pronalaženje načina da se privuče više posjetitelja iz Hrvatske. Smatramo da to može biti u interesu Hrvatske. ; Russian outbound tourism is well noticed in the World Tourist Market. Exporting tourist services to Russia has been the boon for the economies of many countries. Nowadays new tendencies are being revealed which should radically change the structure of Russian national tourism and influence the International tourism. There are outer and inner, market and political reasons for that. In Russia the government supports the inner and inbound tourism by means of programs and the strategy of its development. Entrepreneurial activities, competition, investment in tourism and tourist infrastructure are growing as well. In nowadays Russia the shift from "The industry of outbound tourism" to "The industry of national tourism" is well seen. The latter brings additional revenues to Russian regions. Current economic and political situation is contributing to this process. The economic-crisis-related decline in incomes pushes Russians to travel abroad less and instead increases the number of travelers within the country to cheaper destinations. Facing economic sanctions Russian authorities search for inner investment and the possibilities to reduce the cost of import. They started paying more attention to inner tourism. Under the slogans of "import-substitution" and "counter-sanctions" some restrictions on outbound tourism, preferences for the national tourism industry, and stimulation of consumers' demand were elaborated in this paper. Also the outbound tourism restrictions, prohibition for some foreign companies to act on Russian tourist market became a political factor. The decline of Russian outbound tourism strengthens the competition among its destinations. It is related to Republic of Croatia. The number of Russian visitors to Croatia declines from year to year. On the one hand it may have negative influence on Croatian tourist market, on the other – it opens new possibilities to find ways to attract more visitors from Russia. We suppose that it may be in the interest of Croatia.

The paper integrates several theoretical and practical issues into the general context of the contemporary crisis of the bureaucratic state and a quest for new patterns of governance. Several subjects are considered: various aspects of the decline of public trust in government, including the civic "desacralisation" of the state, the paradox of the positive influence of social distrust on political development, and the dependence between trust and corruption. Noting the serious efforts undertaken in several leading countries during the last 30 years in order to overcome this crisis, and the recent changes in their public management as a kind of administrative response to the situation, the author concludes that most of these steps, because of their purely technological character, did not pose a real alternative and could not solve the problems in accordance with current public needs and expectations. The main part of the article is devoted to the case of Russia – a description and analysis of five rounds of unsuccessful efforts to create a genuine public service in post-Soviet Russia and an analysis of the reasons for failure. Despite some partial improvements, the general results are judged to be a dramatic failure, causing the appearance of fully-fledged bureaucratic state with all the inevitable negative consequences. The most malignant foes of reforms in Russia are not the people who failed during the first stages of changes but the "early-winners"; i.e., those who managed to acquire gains in the 90s and have tried to save their current privileged positions by any means, including the so-called "administrative resource" and other abuses of power. The Russian experience also seems quite interesting compared with all other post-socialist East European countries. The common denominator of the author's approach is an appraisal of the current condition of bureaucratic state institutions and personnel as unsuited to contemporary public expectations and demands, and a vital need to make them much more responsive and cooperative. Namely, it seems obvious that a new world is opening up with respect to the place and role of executive public officials. ; U radu se isprepleće nekoliko teorijskih i praktičnih pitanja, a sve unutar širega konteksta suvremene krize birokratske države i potrage za novim obrascima upravljanja. Razmatra se nekoliko tema: različiti aspekti pada povjerenja javnosti u državu, uključujući građansku »desakralizaciju" države, paradoks pozitivnog utjecaja nepovjerenja društva na politički razvoj, te povezanost povjerenja i korupcije. Mnoge su države tijekom posljednjih 30 godina poduzele ozbiljne napore kako bi riješile krizu i na nedavne se promjene u njihovu javnom upravljanju može gledati kao na svojevrstan administrativni odgovor. No autor ipak zaključuje da većina tih promjena, s obzirom na to da su bile isključivo tehničke prirode, nije predstavljala stvarnu alternativu te one nisu mogle riješiti probleme u skladu s očekivanjima i potrebama suvremenog društva. Glavnina je rada posvećena slučaju Rusije. Opisuje se i analizira pet krugova neuspješnih pokušaja da se nakon raspada Sovjetskoga Saveza u Rusiju uvede javna služba u pravom smislu riječi. Usprkos djelomičnom napretku, pokušaji su rezultirali značajnim neuspjehom te je došlo do razvoja birokratske države i neizbježnih popratnih posljedica. Najveći neprijatelji reformi u Rusiji nisu oni koji su se susreli s neuspjehom u prvim fazama promjene, već su to »rani pobjednici" – oni koji su 1990-ih stekli povlastice i potom ih nastojali zadržati na sve moguće načine, pa tako i zlouporabom moći. Ruska su iskustva također vrlo zanimljiva u usporedbi s iskustvima ostalih postsocijalističkih istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Autor ocjenjuje da sadašnje stanje birokratskih državnih institucija i njihovih zaposlenika ni u jednoj zemlji nije u skladu sa suvremenim očekivanjima i zahtjevima javnosti te drži da je potrebno znatno povećati razinu njihove odazivnosti i suradnje. Očito je da se uloga javnih službenika mijenja iz temelja.

CONTENTS I. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONSLoreta Ulvydienė, Giedrė Drėgvaitė (Lithuania). Linguistic Experience as the Projection of Urban Cognition in Literature.11Saule Altybayeva (Kazakhstan). Neomythologism of the Modern Kazakh Prose: Polycultural Discourse and Art Prospect Search.27Michał Mazurkiewicz (Poland). The Nature of Ritual. 40 II. FACTS AND REFLECTIONSLaima Kalėdienė (Lithuania). Attitude Towards the Official Language According to the Data of Sociolinguistic Survey. 52Vadim V. Dementyev (Russia). Glamour as "The Old New Svetskost"?.65Elena Bonta, Raluca Galiţa (Rumunia). Joking as a Semiotic Practice and Means of Spiritual Survival. A Pragma-linguistic and Stylistic Approach. 80Irina Melnikova (Lithuania). The Gorris Defence, Or Nabokov on Screen. 95Jadvyga Krūminienė, Artūras Cechanovičius (Lithuania). On some Jungian Archetypes Reflected in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. 107Ewa Anna Piasta (Poland). Axiological Horizons of the Short Story "The Dream of the Saint" by Reinhold Schneider. 122Oleg N. Grinbaum (Russia). The Fourth Chapter of the Novel "Eugene Onegin" by A. S. Pushkin: Onegin's Monologue in the Light of Rhythm and Meaning . 133Valentina Litvinova (Russia). The Epistolary Heritage of A. Chekhov from Siberia (the Letters of the Writer from the Point of View of Time and Space). 153Roma Konsevičiūtė (Lithuania). The "Giesmių Giesmė" (The "Song of Songs") Motive Transformation in Antanas Jasmantas' Lyrics. 162Eleonora Lassan (Lithuania). Conjunction зато as a Means of Realization of Psychological Compensation in the Russian Language. 170Joanna Senderska (Poland). The Social Vocabulary Enrichment Based on Selected Cases of Polish Sociolects.181Danguolė Melnikienė (Lithuania). Peculiarities of the Specific Realia Expression in Lithuanian Bilingual Dictionaries. 192Marlena Chudzik (Poland). Toponomastic Scholars' Problems. 202Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lithuania). Expression Ideals of Young Samogitians: Conscious Attitude.209Yuri Tambovtsev, Ludmila Tambovtseva, Juliana Tambovtseva (Rusija / Rosja). Functioning of the Continuous Tenses in Female and Male Variants of the American and British English Language.221Natalia Krasilnikova (Russia). Public Opinion in the Light of Cognitive Discourse Paradigm. 233 III. OPINIONJelena Konickaja, Artur Zapolskij (Lithuania). Metaphors in Lithuanian and Slovenian Political Discourse. 243 IV. SCIENTIFIC LIFE CHRONICLEConferencesViktorija Makarova (Lithuania). "Language and Method". Krakow, 5–6 May, 2011.254Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lithuania). Project "Research on Modern Geolinguistics in Lithuania: Point Network Optimization and Dissemination of Interactive Dialect Information".257Books reviewsDanutė Balšaitytė (Lithuania). Diagnosed. What next? ЛАССАН, Э., 2011. Лингвистика ставит диагноз. Очерк «духа эпохи» в свете данных лингвистического анализа. 260Dagnė Beržaitė (Lithuania). Remarks of Ungrateful Reader. DOSTOJEVSKIS, F., 2010. Apysakos I: Antrininkas, Žiemos pastabos apie vasaros įspūdžius, Užrašai iš pogrindžio. 267 Announce. 271V. REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATION.272VI. OUR AUTHORS.280 ; TURINYS / SPIS TREŚCI I. PROBLEMOS IR SPRENDIMAI / PROBLEMY I ICH ROZWIĄZANIALoreta Ulvydienė, Giedrė Drėgvaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Linguistic Experience as the Projection of Urban Cognition in Literature. 11Сауле Алтыбаева (Kazachstanas / Kazachstan). Неомифологизм современной казахской прозы: поликультуральный дискурс и поиск художественной перспективы.27Michał Mazurkiewicz (Lenkija / Polska). Istota rytuału.40 II. FAKTAI IR APMĄSTYMAI / FAKTY I ROZWAŻANIALaima Kalėdienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Požiūris į valstybinę kalbą sociolingvistinės apklausos duomenimis.52Вадим Дементьев (Rusija / Rosja). Гламур как «старая новая светскость»?.65Elena Bonta, Raluca Galiţa (Rumunija / Rumunia). Joking as a Semiotic Practice and Means of Spiritual Survival. A Pragma-linguistic and Stylistic Approach. 80Irina Melnikova (Lietuva / Litwa). The Gorris Defence, Or Nabokov on Screen. 95Jadvyga Krūminienė, Artūras Cechanovičius (Lietuva / Litwa). On some Jungian Archetypes Reflected in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness.107Ewa Anna Piasta (Lenkija / Polska). Horyzonty aksjologiczne opowiadania Reinholda Schneidera "Sen świętego".122Олег Н. Гринбаум (Rusija / Rosja). Четвертая глава романа А. С. Пушкина «Евгений Онегин»: монолог Онегина в ритмико-смысловом освещении.133Валентина Литвинова (Rusija / Rosja). Эпистолярная сибириада А. П. Чехова (письма писателя с позиций категории времени и пространства).153Roma Konsevičiūtė (Lietuva / Litwa). "Giesmių giesmės" motyvaiAntano Jasmanto lyrikoje.162Элеонора Лассан (Lietuva / Litwa). Союз «зато» как средство выражения психологической компенсации в русском языке.170Joanna Senderska (Lenkija / Polska). Wzbogacanie leksyki środowiskowej na przykładzie wybranych odmian socjolektalnych polszczyzny.181Danguolė Melnikienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Specifinių realijų raiškos ypatumai lietuviškuose dvikalbiuose žodynuose.192Marlena Chudzik (Lenkija / Polska). Problemy toponomastów.202Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Jaunųjų žemaičių raiškos idealai: sąmoningosios nuostatos.209Yuri Tambovtsev, Ludmila Tambovtseva, Juliana Tambovtseva (Rusija / Rosja). Functioning of the Continuous Tenses in Female and Male Variants of the American and British English Language.221Наталия Красильникова (Rusija / Rosja). Общественное мнение: взгляд из когнитивно-дискурсивной парадигмы.233 III. NUOMONĖ / OPINIE I POGLĄDYЕлена Коницкая, Артур Запольский (Lietuva / Litwa). Метафорика литовского и словенского политического дискурса.243 IV. MOKSLINIO GYVENIMO KRONIKA / KRONIKA ŻYCIA NAUKOWEGOKonferencijų apžvalgos / KonferencjeВиктория Макарова (Lietuva / Litwa). «Язык и метод». Краков, 5-6 мая 2011 г.254Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Projektas "Šiuolaikiniai geolingvistikos tyrimai Lietuvoje: puktų tinklo organizacija ir interaktyvioji tarminės informacijos sklaida".257Knygų recenzijos / Recenzje książekДануте Балшайтите (Lietuva / Litwa). Диагноз поставлен – что дальше? ЛАССАН, Э., 2011. Лингвистика ставит диагноз. Очерк «духа эпохи» в свете данных лингвистического анализа.260Dagnė Beržaitė (Lietuva/ Litwa). Nedėkingo skaitytojo pastabos. DOSTOJEVSKIS, F., 2010. Apysakos I: Antrininkas, Žiemos pastabos apie vasaros įspūdžius, Užrašai iš pogrindžio.267 Anonsai / Zapowiedzi.271V. REIKALAVIMAI STRAIPSNIAMS / ZASADY OPRACOWYWANIA PUBLIKACJI.272VI. MŪSŲ AUTORIAI / NASI AUTORZY.280

Vincentas Rolandas Giedraitis savo naujoje knygoje "Naujas šaltasis karas posocialistinėje eroje - daugiapriklausomybės dominavimas Lietuvoje" (2007) holistiniais tyrimo metodais nagrinėja Lietuvos ekonominę, politinę ir karinę priklausomybę nuo kitų valstybių. Autorius teigia, kad Europos Sąjunga, Rusijos Federacija ir Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos "kovoja" dėl įtakos Lietuvoje. Pavyzdžiui, autorius aprašo priemones, kuriomis Rusija išnaudoja Lietuvos (ir Europos šalių) ekonomikos priklausomybę nuo Rusijos naftos pasiūlos, kad galėtų savo naudai paveikti Lietuvos ekonominę bei politinę padėtį. Kita vertus, autorius aiškina ne vien ekonominius Lietuvos priklausomybės nuo kitų valstybių aspektus, bet ir politologinius bei sociologinius.

The final master's thesis analyses change in Russia's energy geopolitics, regarding its energy policy in Ukraine and Syria. Object of the research is change in Russia's energy geopolitics. Research goal is to analyze change in Russia's energy geopolitics through neoclassical realism theory. Research tasks are defined as following: to analyse Russia's energy geopolitics through the lens of neoclassical realism; to analyse compatibility in change of Russia's energy strategy with energy policy; to analyse and compare Russia's energy geopolitics in Ukraine and Syria; to analyze discourse of Russia's energy geopolitics. The following methods have been used: document analysis and description, comparative and discourse analysis, generalization. The key findings summarize the final master's thesis. Russia's energy policy is characterized as reactive and depends on subjective factor of power distribution and Russia's ambitions to restore its status of energy superpower. Firstly, Russia's attempts to increase its relative power vis-à-vis the West trigger asymmetric energy policies in the third states, such as Ukraine and Syria. Secondly, increased discrepancy in Russia's energy Realpolitik and its strategic documents has been verified. Thirdly, incapacity of Russia's energy policy for efficient change has been proved. Finally, the same patterns of energy policy have been presented, verifying status quo of Russia's energy Realpolitik. Conclusively, any alterations in Russia's geopolitics do not sustain change in Russia's energy policy, determining its short-term lasting effect. Therefore, the hypothesis of change in Russia's energy geopolitics is denied. The forecast is that such Realpolitik approach will not benefit Russia in long-term and is aimed at failure, despite short-term growth of energy supplies to Europe in the current years. Interaction incapacity of Russia to share international norms and develop technological capabilities autonomously widens the gap in technological diffusion of Russia and the rest of the world. Meanwhile, inability of system's change in Russia and status quo of energy as state's power will not bring any fruitful results and, furthermore, will lead to continual decline of Russia's relative power and its misperception as energy power state in the international system. ; Baigiamajame magistro darbe analizuojami Rusijos energetikos geopolitikos pokyčiai jos energetikos politikos Ukrainoje ir Sirijoje atžvilgiu. Tyrimo objektas yra Rusijos energetikos geopolitikos pokyčiai. Tyrimo tikslas - remiantis neoklasikinio realizmo teorija išanalizuoti Rusijos energetikos geopolitikos pokyčius. Tyrimo uždaviniai apibrėžiami taip: remiantis neoklasikinio realizmo teorija išanalizuoti Rusijos energetikos geopolitiką; išanalizuoti Rusijos energetikos strategijos pokyčių suderinamumą su jos energetikos politika; išanalizuoti ir palyginti Rusijos energetikos geopolitiką Ukrainoje ir Sirijoje; išanalizuoti Rusijos energetikos geopolitikos diskursą. Buvo naudojami šie metodai: dokumentų analizė ir aprašymas, lyginamoji ir diskurso analizė, apibendrinimas. Darbe prieita prie pagrindinių išvadų, apibendrinančių šį baigiamąjį magistro darbą. Rusijos energetikos politika yra apibūdintina kaip reaktyvi ir priklausanti nuo subjektyvaus energijos paskirstymo veiksnio ir Rusijos siekių atkurti energijos supervalstybės statusą. Pirma, Rusijos bandymai padidinti savo santykinę galią Vakarų atžvilgiu skatina asimetrines energetikos politikos priemones trečiosiose valstybėse, tokiose kaip Ukraina ir Sirija. Antra, įsitikinta Rusijos energetikos realiosios politikos ir jos strategiją apibūdinančių dokumentų neatitikimais. Trečia, pagrindžiamas Rusijos energetikos politikos negebėjimas efektyviai keistis. Galiausiai, pateikti energetikos modeliai, patvirtinantys Rusijos energetikos geopolitikos status quo. Galų gale, teigtina, kad įvykę Rusijos geopolitikos pokyčiai neatspindi Rusijos energetikos politikos pokyčių, kas parodo jos trumpalaikį poveikį. Todėl darbe paneigiama hipotezė, kad Rusijos energetikos geopolitika keičiasi. Prognozuojama, kad toks realiąja politika paremtas požiūris į energetikos politiką nebus naudingas Rusijai ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje ir yra lemtas žlugti, nepaisant trumpalaikio energijos išteklių, tiekiamų Europai, augimo pastaraisiais metais. Rusijos negebėjimas dalyvauti tarptautinėmis normomis pagrįstoje energetikos sistemoje ir savarankiškai plėtoti technologinius pajėgumus didina atotrūkį tarp technologijų sklaidos Rusijoje ir likusiose pasaulio valstybėse. Tuo pat metu, teigtina, kad Rusijos nepajėgumas sisteminiams pokyčiams ir dabartinis energijos kaip valstybės galią užtikrinančio veiksnio vaidmuo neatneš teigiamų padarinių, ir lems nuolatinį Rusijos santykinės galios mažėjimą ir požiūrį į Rusiją, kaip vien į energetiniu pranašumu besivadovaujančią valstybę, tarptautinėje sistemoje. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra

This article analyzes the ritual year in modern Russia as reflected in tourism spam letters circulated between 2005 and 2012. These texts are the main source of data for this study because they illustrate major tendencies in governmental, commercial, and individual attitudes towards Russian traditional customs and official holidays. They also demonstrate how local heritage is being maintained and reconstructed, and how new myths and customs are appearing and developing to suit the needs of domestic tourism, a special ethnographic calendrical type. *** Članek analizira praznično leto v moderni Rusiji, kot ga odsevajo turistična oglasna sporočila med letoma 2005 in 2012. Tovrstna besedila so glavni vir podatkov za to študijo, saj odsevajo pomembnejše tendence vladnih, komercialnih in individualnih pogledov na ruske tradicionalne šege in uradne praznike. Prikazujejo tudi, kako se ohranja in rekonstruira lokalna dediščina in kako se pojavljajo in razvijajo novi miti in rituali, kot jih zahtevajo potrebe domačega turizma.