The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates "Lyderių forumas".
The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates "Lyderių forumas".
The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates "Lyderių forumas".
The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates "Lyderių forumas".
During 2000 Finland and the USSR had special relations. Finland's foreign and defense policy was highly dependent on the USSR. Their cooperation went through four stages: starting from Finland being a part of Russian empire, to being one of the most important allies in the Western and Nordic Europe. The last period dates go back to the end of the Cold War. Finland come to conceive Russia not only as a threat to their homeland, but also as a possible partner and ally in helping to create secure community across the Baltic Sea region. The collapse of the former Soviet Union, the rise of new states in the neighborhood of Finland and the changed attitude of Russia towards Finland allowed Finns to adopt new defense and foreign policy. This allowed Finland to join the European Union and NATO program Partnership for Peace (PfP). Since 1991 Finns have paid a special attention towards the development of security in the Baltic Sea region, where the most important task was Russia's integration into European institutions and its democratization. Baltic Sea could become a bridge for achieving Russia's integration. Scandinavian countries, the Baltic States and Russia may turn the Baltic Sea region into a big economic and cultural network.[.].
During 2000 Finland and the USSR had special relations. Finland's foreign and defense policy was highly dependent on the USSR. Their cooperation went through four stages: starting from Finland being a part of Russian empire, to being one of the most important allies in the Western and Nordic Europe. The last period dates go back to the end of the Cold War. Finland come to conceive Russia not only as a threat to their homeland, but also as a possible partner and ally in helping to create secure community across the Baltic Sea region. The collapse of the former Soviet Union, the rise of new states in the neighborhood of Finland and the changed attitude of Russia towards Finland allowed Finns to adopt new defense and foreign policy. This allowed Finland to join the European Union and NATO program Partnership for Peace (PfP). Since 1991 Finns have paid a special attention towards the development of security in the Baltic Sea region, where the most important task was Russia's integration into European institutions and its democratization. Baltic Sea could become a bridge for achieving Russia's integration. Scandinavian countries, the Baltic States and Russia may turn the Baltic Sea region into a big economic and cultural network.[.].
During 2000 Finland and the USSR had special relations. Finland's foreign and defense policy was highly dependent on the USSR. Their cooperation went through four stages: starting from Finland being a part of Russian empire, to being one of the most important allies in the Western and Nordic Europe. The last period dates go back to the end of the Cold War. Finland come to conceive Russia not only as a threat to their homeland, but also as a possible partner and ally in helping to create secure community across the Baltic Sea region. The collapse of the former Soviet Union, the rise of new states in the neighborhood of Finland and the changed attitude of Russia towards Finland allowed Finns to adopt new defense and foreign policy. This allowed Finland to join the European Union and NATO program Partnership for Peace (PfP). Since 1991 Finns have paid a special attention towards the development of security in the Baltic Sea region, where the most important task was Russia's integration into European institutions and its democratization. Baltic Sea could become a bridge for achieving Russia's integration. Scandinavian countries, the Baltic States and Russia may turn the Baltic Sea region into a big economic and cultural network.[.].
The ruling of the Constitutional Court of 10 September 2009 which repealed the proclaimed early elections to the Chamber of Deputies because of their alleged unconstitutionality fully manifests unjustifiability of the interference by the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic. The decision directly interfered with the process of democratic re-establishnment of the Chamber of Deputies. At the same time, the Court´s intervention was only made possible by violating a number of constitutionally prescribed rules. Finally, the respective ruling could not be issued without a "creative approach" on the part of the Constitutional Court towards the rules governing procedures before the Court. The approach eventually resulted in the violation of principles of fair trial – before a body that should guarantee them. The paper analyses in detail various individual aspects of the case, from general issues of the division of power and contents of the mandate of deputies to individual procedural stages before the Constitutional Court. ; Čekijos Respublikos konstitucinė sistema yra grindžiama tautos suvereniteto principu. Principas atskleidžia daugelį viešosios valdžios organizavimo aspektų, taip pat privačių asmenų ir valdžios institucijų santykius. Tačiau tautos suvereniteto idėja yra patikrinama teisinės valstybės principais. Visų pirma yra siekiama apsaugoti asmens padėtį ir užkirsti kelią žmogaus teisių ir demokratijos neigimui daugumos valia. Pastaruoju metu imta dažnai minėti naują elementą, vadinamoji konstitucijos materialų pagrindą, kaip pagrindinių konstitucinių principų demokratinėse valstybėse santykių dalį. Pagrindą sudaro vertybės, kurios turėtų būti visiškai nesugriaunamos, net vis-à-vis sprendimais, kylančiais iš tautos valios. Ši teorija taip pat daro ir procesinį poveikį. Galiausiai tai reiškia, kad konstitucijos kūrėjų valia bus pavaldi konstitucinio teismo valiai. Nors konstitucijos materialaus pagrindo teorijai gali būti teikiama tam tikro masto svarba, tačiau jos kaip korekcinio elemento svarba yra susijusi ne su konstitucinio teismo sprendimų priėmimu, bet su konstitucijos kūrėjų sprendimų priėmimo procesu. Čekijos Respublikos atveju tai reiškia Parlamento vaidmens suvaržymus konstitucinės tvarkos keitimo procese. Čekijos Respublikos Konstitucinio Teismo 2009 m. rugsėjo 10 d. nutarimas, kuris panaikino paskelbtus pirmalaikius rinkimus į Atstovų Rūmus dėl jų tariamo prieštaravimo Konstitucijai, aiškiai parodo Čekijos Respublikos Konstitucinio nepagrįstą kišimąsi. Sprendimas tiesiogiai įsiterpia į demokratinį Atstovų Rūmų perrinkimo procesą. Tiesmo įsikišimas buvo įmanomas tik pažeidžiant konstituciškai nustatytas taisykles. Galiausiai atitinkamas nutarimas negalėjo būti priimtas be Konstitucinio Teismo "kūrybiško požiūrio" į taisykles, reglamentuojančias Teismo procedūras. Toks požiūris galiausiai atvedė prie teisingo bylos nagrinėjimo principų pažeidimo institucijoje, kuri turėtų užtikrinti šių principų įgyvendinimą. Straipsnis išsamiai analizuoja įvairius bylos aspektus, nuo bendro pobūdžio klausimų apie valdžių padalijimo principą ir parlamentarų įgaliojimų turinį iki atskirų proceso etapų Konstituciniame Teisme.
The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.
The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.
The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.
