Suchergebnisse

In time, all things must end, even the presidency of Vladimir Putin. One way or another, Putin will eventually by succeeded by a new Russian leader. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the unique instance of electoral authoritarianism that has developed in Russia over the past three decades and attempt to explain how this system will likely react when the long-serving president leaves office. Specifically, it seeks to answer a deceptively simple question: Will electoral authoritarianism in Russia survive a leadership transition? This case study of the Russian political system has been based on qualitative secondary research, which utilized existing literature on the theory of electoral authoritarianism (EA) and works by a range of experts on post-Soviet Russian politics in order to identify the specific characteristics that contribute to the stability of EA in the country. While the intense personalism of Putin's rule and the gradual erosion of formal governing institutions are sure to leave the government weakened upon succession, evidence indicates that electoral authoritarianism is almost certain to survive. Various elements of systemic stability provide the necessary resilience for the regime to adjust to changing conditions. Most notably, EA in Russia is stabilized by the flexibility of informal governance networks (referred to as sistema), the support of powerful security services (collectively known as the siloviki), the vertical integration of the ruling party at the subnational level, and the complete government control of the voting process. These factors are almost certain to allow the electoral authoritarian status quo to survive beyond Putin by enabling the system to readily adapt to changing circumstances, overcome opposition by force when necessary, and maintain tight control of the carefully rigged but nominally democratic process that is the basis of this form of government.

The paper presents the results of food security research in the Russia Federation. Providing food security and country's independence becomes the core of keeping the national sovereignty under conditions of globalization and integration processes development. It determined the research relevance. The purpose of the research is the development of a new methodological approach to monitoring of food security as one of most important components of an efficient protection system of the latter. Integrative reproduction approach to monitoring of country's food security meeting stability criteria, economic and social ecological efficiency, competitive ability and safety is suggested. The composition of indicators arranged in four groups is developed within the framework of such approach in order to carry out all-round monitoring of Russian Federation's food security: agroindustrial complex production capacity and its efficient use; food accessibility; food affordability; food quality and level. The assessment of Russian Federation's agriculture facilities, agricultural products output dynamics, agricultural raw materials and provisions export and import, level of staple foods consumption by the population and Russians' diet is given based on indicative analysis. The main threats to Russia's food security are revealed (productive powers deindustrialization; low level of investment to the agricultural sector; labour force reduction; increase in dependence on imported foodstuff; population's low income level and living standards, etc.) Recommendations regarding Russian Federation's food security level increase are given (carrying out augmented technologic modernization, establishing a brand new enterprise network, development of associations and cooperatives, increase in government control combined with agricultural producers' business activity, development of market forms of cooperation and integration). ; peer-reviewed

"October 1993." ; Shipping list no.: 94-0107-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"October 1993." ; Shipping list no.: 94-0107-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Microform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Purpose: The study investigates the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Russia and European countries' economic security. Design/Methodology/Approach: The research began with a multifaceted analysis of oil prices before and after the COVID-19 pandemic declaration. It then examined oil demand and air passenger volumes in European countries to impact world oil prices. Findings: The article deals with issues related to oil prices, passenger air transport, multivariate analyzes, and economic security. Practical Implications: Categorized line and bar charts and indicators of dynamics on a fixed base were applied to analyze economic security better. This article focuses on European countries, while the core matter of oil prices is its demand and the number of passengers transported by air in European countries. Originality: The lack of analyzes in the literature related to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Russia and European countries' economic security. ; peer-reviewed

Defence date: 16 April 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Dr. rer. Pol. Dr. h.c. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, European University Institute; Professor Dr. Dmitry Kurakin, Higher School of Economics; Professor Dr. David Bills, University of Iowa, Professor Dr. Klarita Gërxhani, European University Institute. ; The collapse of the Soviet Union and subsequent rapid shifts in economic, political, and social institutional arrangements – labeled here as a regime change – offer a unique opportunity to explore how patterns of social inequality vary across broader institutional contexts and over time. How the stratification order between different social groups has changed in the aftermath of the regime change in Russia is a central question I raise in this thesis. In contrast to prior research, I draw on a life-course perspective and address several rather untouched aspects of social inequalities in Soviet and post-Soviet societies and investigate them in terms of school-to-work and work-to-school transitions in the earlier and later life courses. Empirically, I employ powerful longitudinal data from the Education and Employment Survey for Russia (EES) linked to the Russian Gender and Generation Survey (GGS), which cover life trajectories in a time-frame between 1965 and 2005. Compared with previous studies, that data enable me to utilize a much larger observation window to scrutinize long-term consequence of the regime change in Russia. First, I tackle social inequality in terms of horizontal gender differences and vertical gender inequalities upon labor market entry. My findings reveal that despite proclaimed equality principles, the school-to-work transition was by no means gender-neutral in Soviet Russia, with women facing a net vertical disadvantage in job authority. This inequality has increased even more since the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly due to worsening chances for female entrants. Second, I explore inequality of adult-educational opportunity due to initial educational level and occupational position. My results suggest that selective participation in adult education might lessen or exacerbate inequality of adult-educational opportunity depending on type of adult education and analyzed group of participants. Nonetheless, the collapse of the Soviet Union has contributed to inequality of adult-educational opportunity, thereby strengthening the exacerbation effects of adult education on social inequalities. Third, I investigate whether participation in adult education may improve career opportunities, thereby mitigating social inequalities that emerged in the earlier life course. My findings show that adult education either benefits all participants or those who are already advantaged. Overall, the results point to a mechanism of persistence or reinforcement of social inequalities. Furthermore, returns to adult education have decreased or been not offset since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, throughout my thesis I put a particular focus on gender. Altogether, my findings unravel noteworthy gender inequalities arising in the initial career stages. These initial (dis-)advantages cumulate over men's and women's life courses, thereby contributing to overall social inequality in Russia, and specifically during the post- Soviet period. I conclude that the regime change was accompanied by a widening of preexisting social distances and an effective amplification of the Russian society's stratification order.

Purpose: The article addresses the issue of new scientific decisions shaping with respect to the study of problems, current trends and perspectives of blockchain technology usage in the Russian Federation. Design/methodology/approach: To achieve the objectives of this study the increasing interest to blockchain technology in Russia was discussed. Findings: The article determined main problems in blockchain technology which includes gaps in legislative regulation; the existence of a considerable number of projects that are undergoing the development stage and that have not proved own economic feasibility yet; incomplete understanding of the blockchain spheres' implementation by state officials, society and business representatives as well as expected outcomes according to the amount and time of their receiving; disputes on cryptocurrencies turnover in the country's territory and their influence in the national economy. Practical implications: The study has demonstrated the interest growth mainly by businesses to the usage of blockchain technology in order to improve own competitiveness and to obtain additional benefits, including the form of their profits. Originality/value: The research has also determined the area of further key studies in blockchain technology usage in Russia and the world. ; peer-reviewed

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development.In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology.The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.

What explains support for democracy among Russian youth? Studies in political socialization conducted in the early 1990s, incorporating generational change, suggest that Russia's main obstacle to the consolidation of democracy was nostalgia for the Soviet Union. The passing of time now allows for the inclusion of the post-Soviet generational cohort, also referred to as the Putin Generation. The post-Soviet youth are a byproduct of political instability and economic turmoil with little or no direct personal experience of the Soviet period. These developments allow for new theoretical mechanisms related to government legitimacy to be included in the analysis. Drawing upon 2011 survey data conducted by the World Values Surveys, this article seeks to advance our understanding of why generational change affects attitudes toward democracy. It extends the literature in two ways: firstly, by adding a new political generation; and secondly, by incorporating government legitimacy into the analysis explaining support for democracy.

Wang Siu-ha. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter I : --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II : --- Peasant women before the Revolution --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter III: --- "The Bolsheviks on the ""Women Question""" --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter IV : --- Mobilizing Peasant Women --- p.71 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Formal education --- p.72 ; Chapter (II) --- Informal education --- p.76 ; Visual political propaganda: poster ; Chapter B. --- Coercing Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.83 ; Chapter (II) --- The Anti-Religious campaign --- p.85 ; Chapter Chapter V : --- Peasant Women Respond to Collectivization --- p.91 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Peasant Women Respond to Formal Education --- p.93 ; Chapter (II) --- Peasant Women Respond to Informal education --- p.108 ; Chapter B. --- Coercion ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.112 ; Chapter (II) --- Anti-religious measures --- p.115 ; Chapter (III) --- Introduction of Secular Rites for Religious Rites --- p.119 ; Chapter Chapter VI: --- Conclusion --- p.131 ; Chapter A. --- Rationalists --- p.136 ; Chapter B. --- Rationalist-Romantics --- p.138 ; Chapter C. --- Romantics --- p.139 ; Appendix 1 --- p.143 ; Appendix 2 --- p.144 ; Appendix 3 --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

Since the early 1990s, the European Union has been supporting socio-economic transformations in the former Soviet Union states, including the Russian Federation. Initially, this assistance was provided in the framework of the TACIS Programme, offering long-term, non-repayable aid. In 1991–2006 Russia received EUR 2.7bn for the restructuring of the state enterprise sector, establishment of private companies, state administration reform, telecommunications, nuclear safety and security and environmental protection. Despite severe criticism directed at the implemented programme, emphasising its unclear objectives, lack of awareness of the conditions in which the projects were executed, prolonged completion periods for some projects and lack of evaluation, the European Union continued its financial assistance to Russia since 2007 as part of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument. The funds available for the programme were earmarked to support political, economic and social reforms, and regional and local development through programmes implemented in two time perspectives: 2007–2013 and 2014–2020. Evaluation of the programmes implemented in 2007–2013 revealed numerous shortcomings in project execution. For example, projects implemented as part of the Arctic Circle-Russia Programme were criticised for weak objectives and only partial completion of some undertakings. Another programme – Karelia–Russia failed to create a joint vision of the region and develop joint investment plans. The issues indicated as barriers to cooperation between the Russian Federation and Finland included: complicated administrative procedures in Russia and poor command of the English language on the Russian side. No evaluation report was prepared on completion of the South-East Finland–Russia Programme and Lithuania–Poland–Russia Programme. Furthermore, the objectives of the Estonia–Latvia–Russia Programme were not accomplished. Nevertheless, the European Union decided to continue the assistance to the Russian Federation in 2014–2020 as part of the following programmes: Arctic Circle–Russia, Karelia–Russia and South-East Finland–Russia and to launch four new programmes: Estonia–Russia, Latvia–Russia, Poland–Russia and Lithuania–Russia.

Purpose: An attempt was made to determine the scope and actual implications resulting from the use of the Russian "hard power" and "soft power" concerning the CEE countries in the COVID-19 era based on the Russian impact on Poland in the period 2019/2020. Design/Methodology/Approach: The substantive components of the impact under study were obtained through a study. A synthesis method was applied, which allowed for grouping the originally separated components into three basic currents of hard influences: political, political-economic, and paramilitary. The comparison method was used to verify such a division of the Russian hard current and, if such a division is confirmed, to highlight the existing differences - especially between the first and second current. In the course of research on the methodology of the Kremlin's soft impact on the Polish decision-making process, the method of reviewing source materials of recognized reliability was used (query of scientific literature and expert studies), which were compared with quantitatively collected data obtained from media information to supplement the whole source material. The conclusions were formulated using induction and deduction methods. Findings: The Russian Federation uses political and economic and economic measures in the first place to influence using "hard power," and if it is not possible to influence such measures, it uses paramilitary measures. In the case of soft power impact, the Russian Federation mainly uses informational means in the form of so-called "social engineering" methodology (propaganda), where the main area of activity is virtual space. Practical Implications: This paper can be used in scientific and expert work dedicated to the Russian methodology of impact using "hard power" and "soft power." Originality/Value: Lack of comprehensive scientific studies dedicated to the methodology of using "hard power" and "soft power" means by the Russian Federation during the COVID-19 2019/2020 epidemic. ; peer-reviewed

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This one of a series of regular rapports on Russia for European Public Law summarises recent developments: 1. increase in the terms of office of the President and the State Duma; 2. resolution of a jurisdictional dispute between the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court over powers to declare legislation unconstitutional; 3. creation of a new Supreme Court of the Russian Federation; 4. changes to election rules for State Duma deputies; and 5. expansion of the Russian Federation by the inclusion of two new Federation subjects.