Suchergebnisse

Considers the relevance of Russia's newfound partnership with South Korea. South Korea's emergence as a player in Asia is noted along with how the two country's are similar in their approach to international issues. Attention is given to the North Korean nuclear crisis and the character of Russian-South Korean cooperation, highlighting energy development, as well as cultural and educational exchange.

executive summary: This essay analyzes Russia–South Korea relations in the context of Russia-U.S. great-power tensions and the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy. main argumentAs part of its Indo-Pacific strategy, the U.S. considers Russia to be a "revitalized malign actor." Given that the U.S. alliance with South Korea is critical for the strategy, the Russia–South Korea strategic partnership affects broader Russia-U.S. great-power competition. Moscow's pursuit of increased influence in East Asia, combined with Seoul's middle-power foreign policy, has created a situation where Russia and South Korea have reached a degree of policy alignment that contrasts with U.S. policies, such as those regarding North Korea. Although this alignment has not created a situation in which South Korea will be forced to balance between Russia and the U.S. in the same way that it must navigate the China-U.S. rivalry, it nevertheless potentially poses complications for the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. policy implications• The Korean Peninsula is one of the Indo-Pacific strategy's geographic areas where Russia-U.S. great-power tensions have notably manifested. This has the potential to expand friction between Moscow and Washington—originating primarily in Europe—into the Indo-Pacific region. • South Korea's economic prowess and Moscow's desire for sound ties with Seoul for the purposes of economic development have promoted a situation in which South Korea enjoys considerable leverage in its ties with Russia, thus mitigating Seoul's vulnerability to Moscow in terms of great-power tensions between Russia and the U.S. • If Moscow and Seoul increase their economic collaboration, policy alignment between Russia and South Korea that includes economic cooperation with North Korea could place stress on the U.S.–South Korea alliance, particularly because of the economic-security nexus built into South Korea–Russia relations.

Philosophical and world outlook understanding of the problem of civilizational identity of Russia acquires special relevance in connection with the preservation of the Eurasian civilizational breakdown that arose at the end of the 20th century. To prepare a new civilization project, it is important to use the theoretical legacy of prominent Russian thinkers, including the classics of Eurasianism. The purpose of the article is an objective analysis of classical Eurasianism, the comprehension of its most important provisions, taking into account the modern realities of Russian society. Using historical and philosophical methodology, critical analysis, methodology of civilizational theories, the author of the article substantiates the conclusion about the scientific significance of the Eurasian concept of civilizational identity of Russia. Its components are examined in a systematic form, such as the perception of Russia-Eurasia as a whole civilizational continent of an equal Europe, the idea of a "symphonic personality" in Eurasian culture, the idea of pan-European nationalism, the idea of establishing social justice, the provision on strengthening the religious element to strengthen the spiritual principle, etc. The article provides a critical analysis of some judgments of historical Eurasians, including their idea of absolutizing the role of the state, the theory of "potential Orthodoxy", etc. An important conclusion of the article is the provision that Eurasianism is not a teaching hostile to the West, but a different non-Western scientific perception of the historical fate and civilizational development of Russia. Concrete examples substantiate the claim that it is necessary to distinguish fair criticism of classical Eurasianism from its simplified and largely biased assessments. The author of the article concludes that understanding the heritage of the classics of Eurasianism is necessary to develop a social project for the cultural and civilizational revival of the Russian Federation and the entire area of Northeast Eurasia.

Russia's engagement with African governments has been a subject of debate amongst scholars of International Public Affairs and other cognate academic disciplines since the demise of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This is a result of different approaches in Russia's engagement with African governments since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To this end, Russia's engagement with African states is multi‐dimensional, ranging from political, economic (mining and energy sectors) and security factors. In order to locate the key drivers of Russia's Africa Policy towards an individual state, this qualitative study provided an Afrocentric review to assess the post‐Cold War Russia's Africa policy paying special reference to Russia–South Africa relations. Afrocentricity is the theoretical paradigm employed to review the nature of Russia's Africa Policy towards South Africa. The authors rely methodologically on document review methods.

This article proposes a theoretical framework to explain the negotiated federal outcomes in countries undergoing regime change and investigates its applicability to a diverse set of countries -- Brazil, Russia, South Africa, and Spain. It considers the intersection of reform strategies, the normative and organizational preferences of constituencies enlisted for regime negotiations, and the conflicts associated with regime change. Two key variables -- the balance of power and violence predictions -- translate actors' preferences into federal institutional outcomes. A comparative case study analysis evaluates the argument and demonstrates the conditions under which regime reform strategies have a more direct impact on intergovernmental bargaining venues and why some shifts in the balance of power have led to more substantive institutional concessions. Adapted from the source document.