Suchergebnisse

Russia inherited pattern of economic activity location from the Soviet Union, where the main forms of industry organization were territorial-production complexes (TPC) - networks of industrial organizations united by a single technological process or the chain of raw materials processing. In a market economy in the 90s, economic ties within the TPC were destroyed, leading to a drop in the level of production, fragmentation of large enterprises and the formation of a set of independent and often competing firms. Some scientists believe that this situation over the last 20 years could serve as a necessary foundation for the formation of industrial clusters (in interpretation of modern regional science). Today, interest in clusters in Russia rises again due to the need to find new mechanisms to support production and innovation in a stagnant economy. Ministry of Economic Development of Russia has developed a project to support the pilot territorial innovative clusters by providing funding for infrastructure formation. The selection of cluster initiatives was based on applications from regional governments, interested in attracting of additional investment. Most of the clusters, formed in Russia, are not in innovative sectors, as shown by studies of the Russian Cluster Observatory. But a lot of potential clusters in Russia is not formed due to the high level of distrust between firms, due to lack of understanding of the potential benefits, etc., although these clusters can develop due to geographical proximity (high concentration) of firms. The aim of our work is to identify clusters as areas of geographical concentration of small and medium businesses (SME). We also wanted to check whether the existing cluster initiatives correspond to the concentration of economic activity and whether there is potential for increasing the cluster initiatives. In our work, we use the analysis based on the localization index, but on three geographical levels for verification reasons: regions, districts and cities. Most of the data were collected from RUSLANA database, consisting information of Russian firms. After identifying a high degree of localization of a particular industry or a group of industries, we analyze the location of enterprises, based on distance-oriented methods in specific regions or between regions. The result is a map of the high concentration and localization of small and medium businesses in certain areas in a number of industries. The authors confirmed the existence of traditional and well-known clusters and identified previously unknown concentration of firms that did not declare their interaction. In the last step, the authors conducted field research - a survey of firms in areas of concentration, where clusters today are not formed, for determining the reasons for the lack of interaction.

This essay seeks to assess (1) the likelihood that the Russian Federation will collapse in the foreseeable future and (2) the possible forms that such a dissolution might take. The latter question is extremely important, since it may determine whether a fragmented Russia would join the EU or bring the world its second nuclear war. Finally, we seek (3) to offer some preliminary advice for policy makers (Russian and Western) and political scientists studying the issue. The following section launches our study with a discussion of some methodological issues involved in assessing future developments through political science theory and accumulated 'historical wisdom'. The next section examines the 'lessons' to be drawn from the collapse of the USSR and extrapolates them to today's Russia. The essay then turns to a section discussing the need to 'expect the unexpected', to go beyond the important exercise of empirical extrapolation to consider other theoretically possible scenarios of dissolution. The concluding section steps back to offer a tentative evaluation of the probabilities of different scenarios. It also offers some preliminary recommendations to policy makers.

The Western medical profession's knowledge concerning the development of Soviet medicine during the preceding two decades 1s ~ost meager. This situation may be attributed to scvct;al factors. First, there was a paucity of pertinent material available for study during this period due to the r~tri~tions imposed upon the exchange of sc1ent1fic data between Russia and \\'cstcm Nations. In addition, as a result o( the exigencies of war and politics, the . inter· change of competent and interested obse.Vers was reduced to an insignificant number. Furthermore, the lack of Western scientific personnel familiar with the Russian language limited the significance of the few Russian scientific journals which were available. And finally, the deficiencies of Russian medicine evident during the initial years of Soviet rule may have minimized the value of any further exchange.

The subject of our interest is to analyze the significance of Russia-Egypt relations undervVladimir Putin. The main purpose of our studies is to present the most important conditions and dependencies that characterize political, economic and military relations between the two countries.In the beginning, we would like to discuss the history of relations between the abovementioned states, dating back to the times of the USSR. The key issue is the description of diplomatic relations between the two countries under the rule of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt and Anwar Sadat, after which for many years there had been a freeze in mutual relations up to the turn of the 21st century. In the next part of the discussion we present the most important goals and assumptions of political relations between Moscow and Cairo, implemented from the beginning of Putin's rule in 2000 and by subsequent ruling elites in Egypt. We are mainly talking about Egypt gradually turning away from the United States, Russia's slow return to the Middle East, the conflicts in Libya, Syria and tensions between the rulers of Egypt and Qatar, which harbors followers of the Muslim Brotherhood persecuted by Cairo. In addition, we examine the importance of economic issues in bilateral relations, focusing on the growing cooperation in the field of energy. We also describe the significance of military aspect and the related maritime doctrine of the Russian Federation, in which Egypt was mentioned as one of the most important partners of Russia in the Middle East.In the summary, we present possible forecasts for the future in mutual relations, at the same time trying to answer the question of how real is the significant weakening of the Egyptian-American relations and Egypt's turn to Russia in the future.

The subject of our interest is to analyze the significance of Russia-Egypt relations undervVladimir Putin. The main purpose of our studies is to present the most important conditions and dependencies that characterize political, economic and military relations between the two countries.In the beginning, we would like to discuss the history of relations between the abovementioned states, dating back to the times of the USSR. The key issue is the description of diplomatic relations between the two countries under the rule of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt and Anwar Sadat, after which for many years there had been a freeze in mutual relations up to the turn of the 21st century. In the next part of the discussion we present the most important goals and assumptions of political relations between Moscow and Cairo, implemented from the beginning of Putin's rule in 2000 and by subsequent ruling elites in Egypt. We are mainly talking about Egypt gradually turning away from the United States, Russia's slow return to the Middle East, the conflicts in Libya, Syria and tensions between the rulers of Egypt and Qatar, which harbors followers of the Muslim Brotherhood persecuted by Cairo. In addition, we examine the importance of economic issues in bilateral relations, focusing on the growing cooperation in the field of energy. We also describe the significance of military aspect and the related maritime doctrine of the Russian Federation, in which Egypt was mentioned as one of the most important partners of Russia in the Middle East.In the summary, we present possible forecasts for the future in mutual relations, at the same time trying to answer the question of how real is the significant weakening of the Egyptian-American relations and Egypt's turn to Russia in the future.

After its relations with the West deteriorated massively in the course of the Ukraine crisis, Russia has been aligning itself increasingly towards China. This shift is most obvious in the strategic spheres of military and energy cooperation. Even if the immediate impacts on Germany and the European Union - caused by the dynamics in the relationship between these two major neighbours in the East - are limited, the development is of great relevance for international relations and the global order. It would therefore be wrong to underestimate the long-term ramifications. Germany and the European Union should counterbalance these nascent tectonic shifts with inclusive and multilateral cooperation and dialogue initiatives in the Euro-Asian region. Regional and global cooperation should be shaped by economic exchange, infrastructure expansion and the search for solutions to global problems. (SWP Comments)

The results of survey, Municipal Governance in Modern Russia, was conducted in 2003 – 2004 by the Institute for Urban Economics (IUE), are presented in the paper. The primary goal of the research is to take an inventory of the experience accumulated by the cities in the field of managing local development, focusing on such important parameters as local leaders' awareness of new management technologies and popularity of such technologies, activity of municipalities at inter-municipal level, technical equipment of administrations. The study of the present status of municipal governance in Russia is all the more important now, with the beginning of a critically new period in the development of Russian cities. Internal and external factors of various nature determine the beginning of this period. On the one hand, relative economic stability in the country and experience accumulated over the years enabled many cities to turn at last from current problems and institutional reforms to strategic planning of their development. On the other hand, the system of local self-governance itself is being transformed drastically by the state – both in terms of territorial organization and municipal powers and interaction between different levels of government. Further transformation is determined by the new version of the Federal Law, On the General Principles of the Organization of Local Self-Governance in the Russian Federation, passed on October 6, 2003 (#131-FZ). The law will fully come into force on January 1, 2006, but preparatory work is already under way in Russian regions. The following main conclusions can be drawn, based on the survey results. 1.New advanced technologies of municipal governance and instruments of socio-economic development have passed the phase of pilot implementation and are now being disseminated on a mass scale. 2.Network of inter-municipal contacts has become a reality and is functioning actively. 3.Computerization of local administrations and information access of city residents have reached a rather high level. 4.Local self-governments are still faced with their traditional problems, first of all, finances and personnel. 5.Population size is not a decisive factor in institutional development of Russian cities. 6.Almost all sample municipalities are familiar with the new version of the law, On the General Principles of the Organization of Local Self-Governance in the Russian Federation.

Kondakov, A. (2019) The Censorship "Propaganda" Legislation in Russia. In: L. Ramon Mendos, State-Sponsored Homophobia 2019, pp. 213-215. Geneva: ILGA. ; The 135-FZ law banning "propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations" to minors is a censorship legislation that limits freedom of expression by making neutral and positive information about LGBTQ topics a misdemeanor subjected to penalties. The text of the law is clear, and the procedure of its implementation does not require an actual child to be harmed in any way. The legislation has a variety of other effects, beyond its implementation. One of the most important results of the spread of bigotry it generated is the growth of violence against queer populations in Russia. Since the law is in place, Russia is a less safe location for queer expressions than it has been before. Therefore, the law sends the country backwards on the line of progression to a more inclusive sexual citizenship.

This paper examines Russia and NATO strategic partnership by investigating both sides perspectives, long-standing hindrances and opportunities. Russia and NATO relations stay to be one of the main strands of global security in the 21st century. Nowadays, given the more perplexing dangers to global security, the increasing energy demand and reliance of Europe, and expanding foreign business between the groups, Russia's links with the West, as a major petroleum exporter and nuclear nation, have become progressively significant. The new security condition of post-September 11 has arranged a shared ground for a strong partnership between old foes. In any case, the endeavors from the two sides have been not able to move beyond a specific degree of collaboration. This paper answers whether it is workable for NATO and Russia to make a decisive victory of lasting legacies of deep-seated hostility and doubt, move beyond historical, religious, cultural differences, and establish the frameworks of an enduring sound partnership.

This Master's thesis is a study aimed at gaining insight into why Russian journalists specialize in investigative journalism. Since the 1990s, international and Russian media monitoring systems have shown that Russia is one of the more dangerous countries in which to practice journalism, especially when it comes to investigative journalists unearthing information that corporate, political or military forces would rather be kept away from public attention. Given the circumstances, why do Russian investigative journalists continue to practice such a risky profession? While investigative journalism is often considered a bi-product of a democratic spirit to maintain a healthy citizenry by bringing public attention to any wrongdoings by societies' elites to in turn compel the latter to behave responsibly, a study on investigative journalism as practised in Russia holds particular interest given the tumultuous conditions the Russian Federation continues to develop in, not to mention current president Vladimir Putin's conservative attitude towards the media's press freedom. This study is based on interviews with seven Russian investigative journalists - collected in the autumn 2012 and summer 2013 in Moscow, Petrozavodsk and Helsinki. While the main goal of this study is to assess why these journalists have specialized in investigative journalism, the research also explores the assets the profession has to offer, as well as the challenges the journalists face when practising this riskier type of journalism. In addition to identifying the reasons why the participants of this study are drawn to practising investigative journalism, this research suggests that there is a continuation between the motivation exhibited by today's investigative journalists and the 'sense of duty' expressed by Soviet journalists in prior studies. Additionally, this study shows that investigative journalism is considered to be an exemplar of professionalism among these Russian journalists. Finally, this research proposes that the audience, as readers and viewers of investigative reporting, plays a potentially crucial role in the perpetuation of investigative journalism now and in the future.

The far-reaching invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022 poses the greatest threat to international peace and security in Europe since the end of World War II. The unjustified attack also impacts the relations between Russia and other Arctic nations, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, Denmark, Canada, and the United States of America (USA), all of which are members of the European Union (EU) or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), or both. In this text it will be shown how the international governance of the Arctic can be conceptualized without Russia. It will be shown that there will still be some role for the Arctic Council (AC), which is currently chaired by Russia, but that the future of international cooperation for governance in the Arctic is likely to be dominated an extended version of Nordic cooperation, here referred to as Nordic Plus, including also the like-minded partners Canada and USA. Arctic governance still has a future, but it will be a future that is very different from the experience of the last three decades. Half of the Arctic will be apart from the Nordic Plus approach to Arctic governance, at least for the foreseeable future. While this change does not have to be permanent, it is currently difficult to see how Russia will be able to return to international cooperation in the Arctic after the current complete disregard for the core idea that is the fundament for international Arctic governance: the acceptance that international relations are based on rules that equally apply to all.

With climate change, an increasingly important focus of scientific and policy discourse, the Russian government has aimed to position the country as one of the leaders of the global process for addressing climate change. This article reviews a breadth of literature to analyze the politico-economic situation in Russia with regard to international climate change negotiations, related domestic policies, societal attitudes, and climatic change impacts on Russia's territory. The analysis demonstrates how Russia has a pivotal role in influencing the future direction of international climate change mitigation and adaptation. Not only is Russia predisposed geographically to the impacts of climate change, but also it is a major emitter of greenhouse gases and a global supplier of fossil fuels, and remains a major force in international politics. This unique confluence of circumstances leaves Russia with a challenging dilemma. It can choose to acquiesce to short-term political and economic considerations, adopt weak mitigation measures, and face potentially significant impacts. Or it can apply its considerable attributes and powers to initiate an epoch of international action to secure a low-carbon climate-resilient future. Although the former will see Russia subsumed into the international malaise on climate change, the latter may both quench the nation's 'thirst for greatness' and fill the void of international leadership. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

By examining how power is constructed and maintained in Russia with the help of hydrocarbons—oil and gas—this article shows why this system is detrimental to Russia in the context of global environmental, technological, and geopolitical changes. While promoting a hydrocarbon culture as central to national identity, the Kremlin has failed to adapt to the global transition toward renewable energy. But external actors such as the European Union could encourage change from within to develop Russia's untapped potential as a green power, given its vast endowments of renewable resources. ; Peer reviewed

Secondary salinization is one of the most widespread types of soil degradation in Russia. It is most widely spread on irrigated lands in steppe and dry-steppe regions of the country. Based on data obtained over the past 30 years, the database on secondary salinization of soils in Russia has been updated. As a basis the data of the uniform state register of soils of Russia which is completely compatible to a format of the Soil and geographical database of the European Union are used

International audience ; After a somewhat chaotic seven-year interlude, Russia's international strategy–in terms of diplomacy, defense and politics–has been progressively redefined over the past three years. What is the current situation of Russia's foreign trade? What are the main challenges that must be met in the course of a further opening of the Russian economy? For Western companies, is Russia an emergent market, a promising field of investment or a potential threat?