Suchergebnisse

The political map of Europe was transformed by the collapse of the Soviet Union & the reunification of Germany, ending four decades of stability & leading to new political configurations: the emergence of the independent Baltic states -- Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania -- with regional links not only to neighboring Russia but to Western Europe as well. The recent political history of the Baltic states is summarized, from their interwar independence to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact & their renewed independence in the early 1990s. Also discussed are postindependence demographic & social problems & prospects in the Baltics: the presence of large Russian minorities, language tests for citizenship, & the states' aspirations for European Union membership. The European Union has tried to serve as go-between for the region, & there are especially close & positive ties between the Baltic states & the Nordic countries. A. Siegel

Dirksen, E.: De russische economische crisis. - S. 1-10. Wilkening, D. A.: The future of Russia's strategic nuclear force. - S. 11-32. (1) Wettig, G.: NATO, Russia and European security after the Cold War. - S. 33-39. (1) Facon, I.: L'armee russe, menace ou recours? - S. 41-52. (1) Braithwaite, R.: La russie, pays europeen. - S. 53-67. (1) Tinguy, A. de: Russie: dix ans de migrations, reflets d'un monde et transition. - S. 69-77. (1) Michel, L.: L'avenir de la Russie. - S. 1-3. (2) Vogel, H.: The Russian economy. - S. 7-11. (2) Adler, A.: La situation politique en Russie. - S. 13-20. (2) Mel'vil', A.: Domestic politics in Russia on the eve of March 26, 2000. - S. 21-27. (2) Kelleher, C. M. ; Tkacenko, S.: Internal security and the relations with "near abroad". - S. 29-40. (2) Graham, T. E (jr.): Russia's foreign policy. - S. 41-48. (2) ... Chudolej, K.: Russia, NATO and the European Union. - S. 53-58. (2) Bachkatov, N.: Ou va la Russie? - S. 59-62. (2)

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexander Helladius (ca. 1686- ?) from Larissa was an important Greek intellectual and made a name for himself in Western Europe through his studies and activities in various countries. The objective of this paper is to examine his relations with Russia, the emerging political and military power of the Orthodox East at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Helladius met with Peter the Great through the help of Robert Erskine, Peter's personal physician, in Karlsbad in 1712 and decided to dedicate his magnum opus Status praesens Ecclesiae Graecae [Altdorf] (1714) to the Czar as a sign of extreme admiration and as a token of gratitude. Probably, through that act Helladius was intending to secure his future move to Russia, where numerous Greeks were living and working at that time including some of his friends (e.g., Anastasios Michail from Nausea). Helladius arrived to Moscow in September of 1715 and was employed as a physician, since he had studied medicine earlier at the University of Altdorf. Although his further whereabouts in Russia still remain unknown, Helladius played several years later indirectly a role through his book Status in the condemnation of his compatriots, Serapheim from Mytilini in 1732 and Liverios Golettis in 1734. Russia's most eminent ecclesiastical figure at that time, Feofan Prokopovich, used the information provided by Helladius in his Status about these two persons as additional evidence in order to achieve their condemnation. It is hoped that the investigation of archival material in the future will shed more light on Helladius' activities in Russia and will unearth an ignored side of the Graeco-Russian relations of that period.

Rupnik, J.: The implications of changes in East-Central Europe for European integration. - S. 7-24 Hassner, P.: The European Union and the Balkans. - S. 25-46 Tatu, M.: Russia and the world. - S. 47-84 Brands, M. C.; Havenaar, R.: De central plaats van Duitsland in de Europese politiek : bindende kracht of bron van divergentie? - S. 85-136

NEXT TO THE PARTY ELITE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, THERE ARE SEVERAL POLICY ELITES IN THE USSR. THEY CONSIST OF OFFICIALS IN EVERY FIELD OF POLICY & HAVE THEIR BASIS OF POWER IN THE RESOURCES THAT ARE ALLOCATED IN THE GOVERNMENT BUDGET. MOST RESOURCES FLOW TO THE ECONOMY, THE SCIENTIFIC & CULTURAL SECTOR, THE MILITARY, & THE ADMINISTRATIVE APPARATUS. ELITES IN THESE SECTORS CAN BE MOST INFLUENTIAL IN THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESS. THE PARTY ELITE MAKES ALL LONG-TERM POLICY DECISIONS, IT CAN REGULATE THE RECRUITMENT OF NEW MEMBERS INTO THESE POLICY ELITES & IT CAN CALL THE ELITES TO ACCOUNT BY PERMITTING PUBLIC DISCUSSION OF POLICY DECISIONS. POLICY ELITES HAVE MORE INFLUENCE IN POLICY-MAKING WHEN THEY HAVE MORE REPRESENTATIVES IN THE POLITBURO & THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. THEIR REPRESENTATION HAS GROWN SINCE 1953--IRREGULARLY--BUT THE PARTY ELITE STILL HAS THE MAJORITY IN THESE PARTY ORGANS. POLICY ELITES HAVE INFLUENCE AS THERE IS A CONSTANT FLOW OF THEIR MEMBERS INTO THE PARTY ELITE. THIS MAKES THE PARTY ELITE LESS COHERENT & CAUSES MORE INTERNAL DISPUTES. YET THE POLICY ELITES ARE NOT CONTENT WITH POSSIBILITIES TO INFLUENCE POLICY MAKING; THEY ARE IN OPPOSITION TO THE PARTY ELITE THAT DOES NOT WANT TO GIVE THEM MORE INFLUENCE, ESPECIALLY IN LONG-TERM POLICY DECISIONS. HA.

Brouhns, A.: Le défi politique et institutionel. - S. 1-7. Cogen, M.: Does the European Union really want to expand its military capacity? - S. 9-18. Ham, P. v.: 11 september en de invloed op het EVDB. - S. 19-26. Wouters, J.: EVDB (EU) versus Europees veiligheids- en defensie-initiatief (NAVO). - S. 27-47. Knutsen, B. O.: ESDP and the non-EU NATO members. - S. 49-58. Gustenau, G.: ESDP and the 'neutrals'. - S. 59-64. Konovalov, A.: ESDP and Russia. - S. 65-75