Russia and the Balkans: Foreign Policy from Yeltsin to Putin
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 12, Heft 24, S. 97-99
ISSN: 1331-5595
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In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 12, Heft 24, S. 97-99
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Politologija, Heft 2, S. 109-116
ISSN: 1392-1681
In: Politologija, Band 1(65, S. 165-167
ISSN: 1392-1681
In: Politologija, Band 3(59
ISSN: 1392-1681
In the article, the EU and Russia relations are analyzed as paying specific attention to the conceptual and practical weight provided for the conjunction "and" when EU-Russia relations are interpreted and practically constructed in the West. The answer which is in common use -- these relations are intellectually based and practically shaped according the engagement doctrine -- is known well. However, the common answer does not eliminate the problem why the perspective of the practical application of engagement toward Russia is still under dispute in the West? The article proceeds to revealing the specifics of the Western attitudes in regard to engagement with Russia and their correlation with the cultural-political identities of engagement's participants. The conjunction "and" emphasizing the EU-Russia relations is interpreted in three ways: optimistically, equably and skeptically. The diversity of interpretations is stimulating by the nodus of factors (history, values and pragmatic interests) which is still affects the EU and Russia relations as well as different attitudes toward the perspectives of co-operation in the future. The very important source of the diversity is the difference in disparity of position regarding the geopolitical development of Eurasia. The article ends with the conclusion that the direction of the EU and Russia engagement will be strongly influenced by the reciprocal attempts to define their own cultural-political identities. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politologija, Band 2(66, S. 78-104
ISSN: 1392-1681
The article analyses the aesthetic dimension of Chinese propaganda in Russia. The analysis seeks to identify the aesthetic component of Chinese propaganda in Russia as the fundamental, synthesising catalyst of Russian Sinophilia which unites several factors. The aesthetic aspect of Chinese propaganda in Russia is revealed through an analysis of official PRC websites in Russian, which clarifies a close connection between form and content in propaganda. The form quite often acquires a function which not only imparts the content, but also corrects it and uses it to manipulate and dominate. The analysis names as Russia's Achilles' heel its unbridled and unshakeable belief in its unique and inevitable Messianic mission in World History. This is its weak spot exploited by Chinese propaganda. The Russian reaction to Chinese propaganda is analysed, invoking the categories of both Sinophilia and Sinophobia. It is asserted that Chinese propaganda in Russia relies on the principles of involvement and participation, which are based on cultural exoticism and Confucian philosophy. To sum up, Chinese propaganda in Russia is identified as part of a plan/strategy for the establishment and maintenance of a grand, universal, practical, cosmopolitan Chinese philosophy or world order at the level of a global international system and world politics. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 57, Heft 3, S. 284-318
ISSN: 0025-8555
The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 2-3, S. 152-167
The dissolution of the great Soviet empire & the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union & Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this was brought about by international factors or by the internal cave-in of the system has been the subject of numerous & extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts & the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspects of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia & the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving, & both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 18-38
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 79-93
The disintegration of the socialist regime in Europe did away with the bipolar model of world order & inaugurated a new phase in seeking a new structure & model of international relations. This new world order, only broadly outlined & characterized by (mostly) unilateral leadership, has already been challenged. Two superpowers -- the People's Republic of China & Russia -- condemn the hegemony, unilateralism, & attempts at dictating international relations. China & Russia are supported by a group of disgruntled countries who also think that a broadly based multipolarity is the direction that international relations & the new world order should take. Judging by these challenges & criticisms, it might be said that only multilateral cooperativeness can guarantee validity to the nascent world order. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politologija, Band 1(61, S. 3-28
ISSN: 1392-1681
This article aims at discussing methods of analysis and understanding of the "imperial discourse" in modern investigations of Russian culture. Having introduced Michel Foucault's and Edward Said's basic concepts that have influenced postcolonial studies and researches of Russian culture, the author proceeds to the works of Ewa Thompson, Alexander Etkind, Susan Layton, Andrei Zorin, Richard Wortman and Harsha Ram. The concept of imperial discourse in their works describes the relationship between the culture and literary text to specific historical context defined as imperial. The relationship between the text and imperial context is ambiguous and is demonstrated on different levels. This relationship is revealed in investigations of the ceremonies of the Russian imperial court, literary representations, functioning of ideological symbols, as well as the genre poetics and the lyrical subject's specifics. General feature of these investigations of Russian culture and literature is that rather than analyzing repressive aspects of imperial discourse (except Ewa Thompson), the authors focus on its constructive aspects that reveal new meanings of text and specify formation of cultural identity of Russian writers. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 100-117
Although it is not the primary reason for Russian economic collapse in Aug 1998, the permanent crisis of the Russian political system after 1991 had contributed to this breakdown. A major role in all this was played by the process of privatization by which Russian natural & economic resources remained in the hands of the political/economic elite. The crisis of the political system in Russia has another consequence -- bringing into question not only the attained degree of democratic development but also the future of democracy in Russia. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 45-59
Due to their strategic position, the Baltic states, throughout their history, have always been a kind of buffer zone, which has to a large extent affected their development. In the new European environment, the Baltic region is today somewhat marginalized, but because of its proximity to Russia, it has an important strategic position. The Baltic states want to join NATO & the EU because they in this see a guarantee of their security & stability. This may also be an opportunity for solving the very delicate relationship with Russia, still an important actor influencing the Baltic states. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 197-202
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 12, Heft 24, S. 11-32
ISSN: 1331-5595