In this article there is the analysis of specifics of the interpretation of the events of the end of the Second World War in the Russian historical politics from the point of view of the subject integration (historical, cultural-anthropological and psychological). The main concepts, defining the evaluation of the situation of the Soviet occupation of the region of Koenigsberg in Russian historical politics and culture, are presented. Also there is the analysis of the problem of the impact of the conception of the "genocide of the Lithuania Minor" on the Lithuanian historical politics. The problems, presented in the article, haven't been analyzed in complex in Lithuania so far.
It is an undeniable fact that energy plays a powerful role in economy. In this way, a country that is rich in energy resources, as a rule, is also a state with a strong economy and broad international cooperation with other powerful states. Fifteen years have passed since the establishment of a "strategic cooperative and partnership" in 1996; and the year 2011 marked the tenthanniversary of the "Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation" between the People's Republic of China and Russian Federation. During this period, a variety of significant changes have taken place in both countries, especially in the field of energy. The goal of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of historical development of China and Russia relationship in the energy sphere, specifically China's energy potential, its role in the economy and relationship with Russia. Moreover, the thesis aims at analyzing the forthcoming perspectives of the China-Russia relationship with the regard to other Western countries (such as US). China and Russia are interested in enlarging bilateral cooperation in a variety of areas; the states share a number of mutual interests concerning regional and international security and stability. Chinese observers characterize China-Russia relations as warm on the governmental level, cold on the historical level, and weak on the economical level. Hereby, one of the main aims of this research is to analyze the role of energy in the historical relationship between the two countries and to evaluate its importance. It is believed that the fundamental problem in the relationship between the two states lies in a divergence between Chinese and Russian worldviews. The present thesis argues that such arrangement is not only characteristic of China-Russia relationship, but is also encountered among more states. On the other hand, it is claimed that Russia aims to strengthen its relationship with China in order not to look weak in the eyes of Europe. However, Chinese and Russian parties approach this situation from their respective points of view. There are three common trends in the views of Chinese policymakers and analysts regarding the China-Russia partnership: pragmatism, lack of political trust, and the US factor. In order to achieve the goals and fulfill the tasks of the research, the thesis applies qualitative methodologies. The "historical" and "analytical-descriptive" methodare employed in this study is used for historical analysis of Russia and China relations, and its influence to the modern relations with the regard to power division in the field of energy.
It is an undeniable fact that energy plays a powerful role in economy. In this way, a country that is rich in energy resources, as a rule, is also a state with a strong economy and broad international cooperation with other powerful states. Fifteen years have passed since the establishment of a "strategic cooperative and partnership" in 1996; and the year 2011 marked the tenthanniversary of the "Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation" between the People's Republic of China and Russian Federation. During this period, a variety of significant changes have taken place in both countries, especially in the field of energy. The goal of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of historical development of China and Russia relationship in the energy sphere, specifically China's energy potential, its role in the economy and relationship with Russia. Moreover, the thesis aims at analyzing the forthcoming perspectives of the China-Russia relationship with the regard to other Western countries (such as US). China and Russia are interested in enlarging bilateral cooperation in a variety of areas; the states share a number of mutual interests concerning regional and international security and stability. Chinese observers characterize China-Russia relations as warm on the governmental level, cold on the historical level, and weak on the economical level. Hereby, one of the main aims of this research is to analyze the role of energy in the historical relationship between the two countries and to evaluate its importance. It is believed that the fundamental problem in the relationship between the two states lies in a divergence between Chinese and Russian worldviews. The present thesis argues that such arrangement is not only characteristic of China-Russia relationship, but is also encountered among more states. On the other hand, it is claimed that Russia aims to strengthen its relationship with China in order not to look weak in the eyes of Europe. However, Chinese and Russian parties approach this situation from their respective points of view. There are three common trends in the views of Chinese policymakers and analysts regarding the China-Russia partnership: pragmatism, lack of political trust, and the US factor. In order to achieve the goals and fulfill the tasks of the research, the thesis applies qualitative methodologies. The "historical" and "analytical-descriptive" methodare employed in this study is used for historical analysis of Russia and China relations, and its influence to the modern relations with the regard to power division in the field of energy.
It is an undeniable fact that energy plays a powerful role in economy. In this way, a country that is rich in energy resources, as a rule, is also a state with a strong economy and broad international cooperation with other powerful states. Fifteen years have passed since the establishment of a "strategic cooperative and partnership" in 1996; and the year 2011 marked the tenthanniversary of the "Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation" between the People's Republic of China and Russian Federation. During this period, a variety of significant changes have taken place in both countries, especially in the field of energy. The goal of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of historical development of China and Russia relationship in the energy sphere, specifically China's energy potential, its role in the economy and relationship with Russia. Moreover, the thesis aims at analyzing the forthcoming perspectives of the China-Russia relationship with the regard to other Western countries (such as US). China and Russia are interested in enlarging bilateral cooperation in a variety of areas; the states share a number of mutual interests concerning regional and international security and stability. Chinese observers characterize China-Russia relations as warm on the governmental level, cold on the historical level, and weak on the economical level. Hereby, one of the main aims of this research is to analyze the role of energy in the historical relationship between the two countries and to evaluate its importance. It is believed that the fundamental problem in the relationship between the two states lies in a divergence between Chinese and Russian worldviews. The present thesis argues that such arrangement is not only characteristic of China-Russia relationship, but is also encountered among more states. On the other hand, it is claimed that Russia aims to strengthen its relationship with China in order not to look weak in the eyes of Europe. However, Chinese and Russian parties approach this situation from their respective points of view. There are three common trends in the views of Chinese policymakers and analysts regarding the China-Russia partnership: pragmatism, lack of political trust, and the US factor. In order to achieve the goals and fulfill the tasks of the research, the thesis applies qualitative methodologies. The "historical" and "analytical-descriptive" methodare employed in this study is used for historical analysis of Russia and China relations, and its influence to the modern relations with the regard to power division in the field of energy.
The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
The five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world's mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia's position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia's expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia's position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania's governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure. By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude. According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia. The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia' s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was "their" and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.
The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.
The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.
The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.
The rapid growth of countries economy and politics, becomes an increasingly important issue for international trade. Nowadays, there are no countries that can achieve economic growth while not participating an being active in an international trade. In order to get better positions in global markets they become increasingly immersed in to the foreign trade policy processes. The rapid change in terms of trade causes the unionize of countries into different kinds of unions. RBK customs union it is not an exception. So, this work mostly focuses on the examination of this customs unions creation and functioning. The aim of this study is to analyze RBK customs unions functioning and influence on international trade and customs procedures. The comparative analyses of customs union was carried out in this work. It also evaluated the influence of RBK customs union to the Lithuanian international trade and customs procedures. Four methods were used, in order to examine and analyze this. That is: theoretical, analytical, empirical and concluding methods. According to these methods the first part of the work studies the theoretical aspect of modern international trade regulations, presents the formation of customs union and discusses Lithuania integration into the EU. The second part deals with the origin and establishment of RBK customs union, evaluates its functioning and development, analyses similarities and differences between EU and RBK customs unions. The third part discusses changes in Lithuania international trade with Russia and Belarus, examines the influence of RBK customs union on customs procedures and goods traffic. So, after the analyses and evaluation of the creation and functioning of RBK customs union, it's influence on international trade and customs procedures, some conclusions can be made. First of all, the creation of this customs union is new but very positive issue to Lithuanian and whole European region in international trade sphere. Even, after evaluating all the barriers of RBK customs union it improved customs control procedures in Russia and Belarus. The assessment of the relevance of the topic on customs unions influence on international trade and customs procedures would be appropriate to analyze further in other master's and bachelor's works, however, paying more attention to Kazakhstan. It would also be useful and appropriate to give more information to Lithuanian businessmen of logistics and subjects of international trade in Lithuania, on changes and perspectives of RBK customs union.
The rapid growth of countries economy and politics, becomes an increasingly important issue for international trade. Nowadays, there are no countries that can achieve economic growth while not participating an being active in an international trade. In order to get better positions in global markets they become increasingly immersed in to the foreign trade policy processes. The rapid change in terms of trade causes the unionize of countries into different kinds of unions. RBK customs union it is not an exception. So, this work mostly focuses on the examination of this customs unions creation and functioning. The aim of this study is to analyze RBK customs unions functioning and influence on international trade and customs procedures. The comparative analyses of customs union was carried out in this work. It also evaluated the influence of RBK customs union to the Lithuanian international trade and customs procedures. Four methods were used, in order to examine and analyze this. That is: theoretical, analytical, empirical and concluding methods. According to these methods the first part of the work studies the theoretical aspect of modern international trade regulations, presents the formation of customs union and discusses Lithuania integration into the EU. The second part deals with the origin and establishment of RBK customs union, evaluates its functioning and development, analyses similarities and differences between EU and RBK customs unions. The third part discusses changes in Lithuania international trade with Russia and Belarus, examines the influence of RBK customs union on customs procedures and goods traffic. So, after the analyses and evaluation of the creation and functioning of RBK customs union, it's influence on international trade and customs procedures, some conclusions can be made. First of all, the creation of this customs union is new but very positive issue to Lithuanian and whole European region in international trade sphere. Even, after evaluating all the barriers of RBK customs union it improved customs control procedures in Russia and Belarus. The assessment of the relevance of the topic on customs unions influence on international trade and customs procedures would be appropriate to analyze further in other master's and bachelor's works, however, paying more attention to Kazakhstan. It would also be useful and appropriate to give more information to Lithuanian businessmen of logistics and subjects of international trade in Lithuania, on changes and perspectives of RBK customs union.
After the Third Division of Lithuanian and Polish states almost the entire territory of the Lithuanian Great Kingdom was incorporated into the Russian Empire (except Uznemune that was devolved to Prussia). Lithuania has lost its lineament as a political society, therefore the citizens were alienated from the Western tradition of administration and law. After annexing Lithuania, Russia has initiated the reorganization of the administrative- territorial distribution of the occupied country as well as rehashing the former and creating the new administrative institutions. While ruining the previous governance system the deployment of autocratic-centralized model of state administration and law was started. ; Straipsnyje analizuojami administraciniai pertvarkymai carinės Rusijos valdomoje Lietuvos teritorijoje XVIII a. pabaigoje - XIX a. pradžioje. Teigiama, kad carinė Rusija, aneksavusi Lietuvą, ėmėsi pertvarkyti okupuoto krašto administracinį teritorinį skirstymą, naujinti buvusius ir kurti naujus valstybinius valdymo institutus, tarp jų ir iki padalijimų galiojusią teisę, apriboti gyventojų teises. Pažymima, kad griaunant buvusią administracinę valdymo sistemą, Lietuvoje buvo pradėtas diegti Rusijos carų autokratiškas centralizuoto administracinio valdymo modelis.
An important role in the formation of modern Lithuanian society was played by pharmacists who at the beginning of the 20th century were one of the most numerous parts of Lithuanian intelligentsia. They chose a job in a pharmacy not as a mission of life but due to political, social, and economic reasons. The majority of pharmacists were children of peasants who had refused to obey their parents and study in the seminary of priests. Those people who had been ousted from gymnasiums because of an anticzarist activity or those who had not finished school due to the lack of money also became pharmacists. Young men who had chosen a way of self-support left to the biggest cities of Russia and started the practice of an apprentice in a pharmacy. Later, they took examinations to become an assistant of a pharmacist, and after two years of studies at university, they took examinations of a pharmacist at last. Having got a diploma, they usually did not return to their motherland because there was a large network of pharmacies; thus, business conditions were harder, of course. They established pharmacies in various provinces of Russia most often, and it is supposed that only 10% of Lithuanian pharmacists worked in their native country. Living and working in a Russian environment, however, they enshrined national patriotic ideas, were active participants in social activities, published a Lithuanian professional newspaper "Farmaceutų reikalai" (translation, "Matters of pharmacists"), and attempted to unite all Lithuanians living in czarist Russia to struggle against denationalization, to encourage people to return to their motherland, and to work for its good. This article deals with the path for a career of Lithuanian pharmacists in czarist Russia and their national patriotic activity.
