Suchergebnisse

Досліджується природа російсько-української «гібридної війни». Не торкаючись суто військових та збройних аспектів конфлікту, висвітлюється інформаційна складова «гібридної війни», що в рамках воєн четвертого покоління стала однією із визначальних чинників протиборства між агресором і країною, яка зазнала нападу. Особливий акцент робиться на дослідженні: особливостей пропагандистських механізмів з двох боків російсько-українського конфлікту; зіставленні комунікативно-пропагандистських можливостей сторін; роботи з масовою аудиторією; помилок інформаційної політики в період російсько-українського конфлікту. ; The nature of the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is considered in the article. Leaving aside the purely military aspects and armed conflict highlighted information component of a hybrid war. As part of the fourth generation wars it was one of the determining factors of confrontation between the aggressor and the country has suffered. Particular emphasis is placed on research, advocacy mechanisms features on both sides of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict; comparison communicative outreach capacity of the parties; Work with a mass audience; Information Policy errors during the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.

Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.

In the article the are analyzed the safety aspects of the Russian-Ukrainian military and information conflict. There are offered the ways of its solving as well as the ways of the achieving peace in the Eastern part of the State. The attention is paid to the characteristics and evaluation of the military confrontation in Donbas as well as to the role of the Western countries in its overcoming.When the Ukrainian establishment and the Ukrainian nation realize their otherness, their self-sufficiency then the imperial pride of Russia will disappear. Unfortunately we still don't have a realistic, fundamental conception of the development of Ukraine as a State in accordance with the European sample. And a clear system of the state priorities, ideological values, main principles of the national ideology is not formed yet.Instead in the article 15 of the Constitution of Ukraine we can read as follows: «The social life in Ukraine is based on principles of the… ideological diversity. No one ideology can be recognized as a mandatory one by the State». Due to this almost on all of the levels of the state of the hierarchical ladder the outlines of the Ukrainian state building seem to be very indistinct. As an obstacle for the idea of the state building again arises an worldview uncertainty. Besides, there is a lack of the holistic system of the national landmarks.Without a clear Ukrainian, deeply patriotic ideology it is impossible to rally and combine the society in an only full-fledged organism, that would be able to give a proper military and informational repel to the enemy. Patriotism as a basis for the state ideology is a foundation of every state construction.Key words: war, conflict, information, international agreements, system, army, compro­mise, state, politics, ideology, patriotism. ; У статті проаналізовані безпекові аспекти російсько-українського воєнного та інформаційного конфлікту. Запропоновано шляхи його розв'язання та досягнення миру на сході країни. Приділено увагу характеристиці й оцінкам військового протистояння на Донбасі та ролі держав Заходу в його подоланні.Ключові слова: війна, конфлікт, інформація, міжнародні угоди, система, військо, компрміс, держава, політика, ідеологія, патріотизм.

Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.

Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.

In this study, titled "Intersection of US-Russia interests in Central Asia region", the author analyses the strategies of the United States of America and the Russian Federation towards Central Asia region and the main strategic interests in the security policy and economical level. The study pays a lot of attention to the analysis of the democratization aspect, especially in the U.S. foreign policy course, and its impact on the relations between U.S., Russia and the states of the Central Asia. The study is based on the academic concept of "imperialism", which becomes an orient in the analysis of intersection of US Russia interests in Central Asia region and opportunities for cooperation. The study has been divided into four chapters. In the first chapter author introduces a theoretical foundation of "imperialism". The second chapter is dedicated to the analysis of US strategic interests in Central Asia and the role and meaning of democratization process. The geopolitical spread of Russia's influence is analyzed in the third chapter of the study, where the author underscores the importance of rally points in the relations between Russia and Central Asia states. The fourth chapter analyzes the prospects of future cooperation and competition between US and Russia. The study concludes, that US strategy towards Central Asia is discontinuous, and because of underestimation of specific situation in this region and lack of rally points (short common historical experience, differences in culture and value systems etc.), US fails to establish in this region. In addition, attempting to pass a "democratization message" to the authoritarian regimes and misjudging their reaction, US harms its other strategic interests. However, US cannot abandon "democratization" message because of it gives an ideological ground for its foreign policy course and legitimizes its actions worldwide. Therefore the study confirms the first hypothesis, that excessively underscoring the democratization aspect and forgetting the specifics of Central Asia region, US reduces the effectiveness of these relations as well as its abilities to reach other strategic goals. Russia, otherwise, does not underline "democratization" issue and avoids the rise of such tension in its relations with Central Asia states. Russia makes use of the bridging cultural connections, common historical experience, and, mostly important, common infrastructure that facilitates economical cooperation. Therefore, study concludes, that Russia manages to make use of Central Asia states' apathy towards US offered democratization model, and increases its opportunities to strengthen the instruments of economical pressure in the region. Central Asia can be seen as a testing area for the competition of US and Russia imperial ambitions. In consideration of US attempts to implement its domination policy goals and Russia's desire to see multipolar international relations system instead of unipolar, cooperation perspectives remain highly questionable.

In this study, titled "Intersection of US-Russia interests in Central Asia region", the author analyses the strategies of the United States of America and the Russian Federation towards Central Asia region and the main strategic interests in the security policy and economical level. The study pays a lot of attention to the analysis of the democratization aspect, especially in the U.S. foreign policy course, and its impact on the relations between U.S., Russia and the states of the Central Asia. The study is based on the academic concept of "imperialism", which becomes an orient in the analysis of intersection of US Russia interests in Central Asia region and opportunities for cooperation. The study has been divided into four chapters. In the first chapter author introduces a theoretical foundation of "imperialism". The second chapter is dedicated to the analysis of US strategic interests in Central Asia and the role and meaning of democratization process. The geopolitical spread of Russia's influence is analyzed in the third chapter of the study, where the author underscores the importance of rally points in the relations between Russia and Central Asia states. The fourth chapter analyzes the prospects of future cooperation and competition between US and Russia. The study concludes, that US strategy towards Central Asia is discontinuous, and because of underestimation of specific situation in this region and lack of rally points (short common historical experience, differences in culture and value systems etc.), US fails to establish in this region. In addition, attempting to pass a "democratization message" to the authoritarian regimes and misjudging their reaction, US harms its other strategic interests. However, US cannot abandon "democratization" message because of it gives an ideological ground for its foreign policy course and legitimizes its actions worldwide. Therefore the study confirms the first hypothesis, that excessively underscoring the democratization aspect and forgetting the specifics of Central Asia region, US reduces the effectiveness of these relations as well as its abilities to reach other strategic goals. Russia, otherwise, does not underline "democratization" issue and avoids the rise of such tension in its relations with Central Asia states. Russia makes use of the bridging cultural connections, common historical experience, and, mostly important, common infrastructure that facilitates economical cooperation. Therefore, study concludes, that Russia manages to make use of Central Asia states' apathy towards US offered democratization model, and increases its opportunities to strengthen the instruments of economical pressure in the region. Central Asia can be seen as a testing area for the competition of US and Russia imperial ambitions. In consideration of US attempts to implement its domination policy goals and Russia's desire to see multipolar international relations system instead of unipolar, cooperation perspectives remain highly questionable.

First time name of certification were mentioned 1990s concerning a problems with bad forest practices, hard improvement of governmental regulations especial in tropics. Later this concern were growing to 1992 Rio de Janeiro conference. And so, need of strict forest system in 1993 established Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). Main activities started later 1996 in Canada with small group of people which started developing countries regional standards (Claros, 2009). Now FSC program is one of the biggest forest certification and accreditation providing company providing wood and their products and certification service. This program supports LEED Lumber, IKEA, biggest companies buying wood in the world, non governamental organisations World wild Fund (WWF), Green peace (www.fsc.org). The curiosity of how FSC forest certification impact forest management in Lithuania and Russia and lack of FSC standard studies with national law encouraged to create such study. We want to analyze FSC certification annual public reports raised CAR's (Corrective action request) from Forest Management Units (FMU) - enterprises, leaseholders in Lithuania and Russia. The first aim was to find, what main CAR's in Lithuania, Russia and distribute CAR's to environmental, economical, social type aspects. In later stages analyze Lithuanian and Russian FSC standards Smart Wood, SGS Qualifor and Russian national. In the last step to compare FSC standards with state law for each country. Analysis of Lithuanian and Russian FSC CAR indicators from Forest Management Units (FMU) showed, that biggest amount of violations from violation distribution in countries is environmental. Violation distribution by FSC principles in the countries proved that both countries had main ecological violations 6, 8 principle. Lithuanian Smart Wood and SGS Qualifor not differ much. Lithuanian with Russian standards was most similar by social context indicators. Study showed most important violated indicators in Lithuania from economical type are 8.3.3 problems with FSC logo use and certificate number on invoices; social: 8.5.1 summary of FMU (Forest management unit) management for public not sufficient; ecological: 6.3.8 problem leaving enough dead wood or trees for natural biodiversity. Analysis of most important indicators in Russia from economical part: 7.1.1 long term forest management goal creation; social: 4.2.11 FMU safety and protection problems; ecological: 6.1.1 environment impact assessment of FMU management activities. Comparison of Smart Wood, SGS Qualifor and Russian standards by both countries violated indicators showed that Lithuanian standards ware most similar, most detailed was Russian national. Lower requirements were mostly found in SGS Qualifor and Russian national. Most strict was Smart Wood and Russian national Analyzing standards and state law in both countries by each country standard violations was found that FSC standards were higher than state requirements.

First time name of certification were mentioned 1990s concerning a problems with bad forest practices, hard improvement of governmental regulations especial in tropics. Later this concern were growing to 1992 Rio de Janeiro conference. And so, need of strict forest system in 1993 established Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). Main activities started later 1996 in Canada with small group of people which started developing countries regional standards (Claros, 2009). Now FSC program is one of the biggest forest certification and accreditation providing company providing wood and their products and certification service. This program supports LEED Lumber, IKEA, biggest companies buying wood in the world, non governamental organisations World wild Fund (WWF), Green peace (www.fsc.org). The curiosity of how FSC forest certification impact forest management in Lithuania and Russia and lack of FSC standard studies with national law encouraged to create such study. We want to analyze FSC certification annual public reports raised CAR's (Corrective action request) from Forest Management Units (FMU) - enterprises, leaseholders in Lithuania and Russia. The first aim was to find, what main CAR's in Lithuania, Russia and distribute CAR's to environmental, economical, social type aspects. In later stages analyze Lithuanian and Russian FSC standards Smart Wood, SGS Qualifor and Russian national. In the last step to compare FSC standards with state law for each country. Analysis of Lithuanian and Russian FSC CAR indicators from Forest Management Units (FMU) showed, that biggest amount of violations from violation distribution in countries is environmental. Violation distribution by FSC principles in the countries proved that both countries had main ecological violations 6, 8 principle. Lithuanian Smart Wood and SGS Qualifor not differ much. Lithuanian with Russian standards was most similar by social context indicators. Study showed most important violated indicators in Lithuania from economical type are 8.3.3 problems with FSC logo use and certificate number on invoices; social: 8.5.1 summary of FMU (Forest management unit) management for public not sufficient; ecological: 6.3.8 problem leaving enough dead wood or trees for natural biodiversity. Analysis of most important indicators in Russia from economical part: 7.1.1 long term forest management goal creation; social: 4.2.11 FMU safety and protection problems; ecological: 6.1.1 environment impact assessment of FMU management activities. Comparison of Smart Wood, SGS Qualifor and Russian standards by both countries violated indicators showed that Lithuanian standards ware most similar, most detailed was Russian national. Lower requirements were mostly found in SGS Qualifor and Russian national. Most strict was Smart Wood and Russian national Analyzing standards and state law in both countries by each country standard violations was found that FSC standards were higher than state requirements.

In their work the authors studied the problem of cooperation between Russia and Argentine in the 1990s and the reasons for their relatively low development, analyzed the potential of Russian-Argentine relations in the early 1990s, Russia's main foreign policy priorities and Argentine, their common and different challenges results of political and economic cooperation of the 1990s. ; У роботі авторами досліджено проблему співпраці Росії й Аргентини в 1990-ті роки й показано причини її відносно слабкого розвитку, проаналізовано потенціал російсько-аргентинських зв'язків на початку 1990-х років. Розкрито основні російські та аргентинські зовнішньополітичні пріоритети, їхні спільні й відмінні завдання, результати політичного та економічного співробітництва 1990-х років.

In her article, the researcher presents possible variants of the 'Ukrainian crisis' settlement with regard to current geopolitical position of Russian Federation being a result of Vladimir Putin's politics of 'neoisolationism'. The author believes that the first - and the least plausible - option, taken broad Ukrainian opposition into account, is preservation of current de facto Crimean status and federalization and neutrality of Ukraine. This will allow Russia to change geopolitical situation on its Western borders. The second option is a unitary Ukraine with its straightforward orientation on European and Euro-Atlantic values. This is a goal to become the result of current struggle unfolding in Ukraine, being at present unachievable. In this case, Russia itself can become a buffer zone between the West and China being forced to choose its political priorities. The third option implies Ukraine collapsing into two parts like post-World War Two Germany. Artificially created 'Novorossia' becomes a 'buffer' between pro-Western Ukraine and Russia with the last one basically controlling this quasi-state and shielding it from any Western influences. The author concludes that all the abovementioned options stimulate farther implementation of Russian politics of 'neoisolationism'. ; В статье обозначены возможные варианты разрешения "украинского кризиса", с учетом того, что современное геополитическое положение России стало результатом политики "неоизоляционизма" В. В. Путина. Прослежены глобальные последствия "украинского кризиса", которые, по мнению автора, определят новое соотношение силовых полей в современном миропорядке. ; У статті окреслено можливі варіанти вирішення "української кризи" з огляду на сучасне геополітичне становище Росії, що стало результатом політики "неоізоляціонізму" В. В. Путіна. Простежено глобальні наслідки "української кризи", які, на думку автора, визначать нове співвідношення силових полів у сучасному світопорядку.

The article is analyzing the concept of liquid ideologies, in particular in Western, Ukrainian and Russian political cultures. The author argues that in the past two centuries ideologies, despite their "solid" or "architectonic" claims, always tended to be "liquid", exchanging ideas, concepts, images, metaphors between themselves. Ukrainian Maidan protests in 2013-2014 have also showed the liquidity of ideologies in the present historical moment: Maidan was a cocktail of liberal, right-wing and left-wing ideologies. The article also introduces new concepts describing the current political moment: zoopolitics, geopolitical oligarchy, post-terrorism, suicide states, revolution of the giving. ; ***

In developing a transnational approach to queer studies, the alleged binary between post-Soviet ―East‖ and the so-called ―West‖ has troubled and challenged this emerging discourse. Theorizing queerness within a post-Soviet framework requires what sociologist Francesca Stella refers to as ―alternative epistemologies‖ that foreground the question of visibility: how can queerness be understood in places that have historically and ideologically emphasized sexual invisibility? Considering this question alongside Michel Foucault's discussion of a discursive practice of sexuality as a product of modernity and capitalism, a more evocative issue emerges: how can sexuality be understood in spaces that have historically eschewed capitalist ideology? Moreover, how are sexual practices, including the structures of family and community, complicated in the wake of repressive political systems? As a response to these questions, this article explores literature's capacity to facilitate new dialogues for understanding queerness within a post-Soviet context. By building on the concepts of kinship and belonging, literature and participates in the development of alternative epistemologies for understanding queerness within post-Soviet spaces.

Ukraine and Belarus have great potential for development of bilateral cooperation as a neighboring state holds a clear position on the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine. Belarus has always been on the side of peace in Ukraine and is willing to constantly continue to promote peaceful relations and fruitful cooperation, which is actively developing during the last decades. The governments of the two countries stressed the importance of developing cooperation, based both on common projects and equally important common issues. Do not forget that the development of international cooperation in all spheres of our young country is one of the priorities of its activity. ; Украина и Республика Беларусь имеют большой потенциал развития двустороннего сотрудничества, поскольку соседнее государство держит четкую позицию относительно суверенитета, территориальной целостности и независимости Украины. Беларусь всегда была на стороне мира в Украине и готова постоянно и в дальнейшем способствовать проведению мирных отношений и плодотворного сотрудничества, активно развивается на протяжении последних десятилетий. Правительства наших государств подчеркивают важность развития сотрудничества, которое базируется как на совместных проектах так и не менее важных совместных проблемах. Не стоит забывать, что развитие международного сотрудничества во всех сферах нашего молодого государства является одним из приоритетных направлений ее деятельности. ; Україна та Республіка Білорусь мають великий потенціал розвитку двосторонньої співпраці, оскільки сусідня держава тримаєчітку позицію щодо суверенітету, територіальної цілісності та незалежності України. Білорусь завжди була на стороні миру в Україні і готова постійно й надалі сприяти проведенню мирних відносин та плідної співпраці, що активно розвивається впродовж останніх десятиліть. Уряди наших держав наголошують на важливості розвитку співробітництва, яке базується як на спільних проектах так і не менш важливих спільних проблемах. Не варто забувати, що розвиток міжнародного співробітництва у всіх сферах нашої молодої держави є одним із пріоритетних напрямів її діяльності.