Suchergebnisse

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.

The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.

This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula. ; This article will explain why Russia annexed Crimea and is destabilizing eastern Ukraine. To do this, three different theoretical approaches on various levels of analysis will be used. It will be examined how far the expansion of NATO, as well as that of the European Union (Theory of Neorealism), was a motive for Russia's action. NATO's enlargement is analysed predominantly. In addition, politicalpsychological motivations of the Russian leadership are considered. But it is also analysed whether Russia's pure power interests have played a role (Theory of Realism). The focus here is on the Russian naval base in Crimea. It is necessary to examine whether preserving its fleet in the Black Sea was a motive for Moscow to annex the Crimean peninsula.

Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...

Predmet je rada analiza spotova predsjedničkih kandidata na vlasti u trenutku održavanja predsjedničkih izbora 2012. i 2017. godine. Iz 2012. godine analizirat će se spot kandidata Demokratske stranke Borisa Tadića, a iz 2017. godine spot kandidata Srpske napredne stranke Aleksandra Vučića. U navedenim spotovima prikazat će se korištenje negativne propagande oba kandidata prema suparnicima. Rad je podijeljen u nekoliko dijelova. Na početku će čitatelji biti upoznati sa značajem koji spotovi imaju u suvremenoj političkoj propagandi, kao i sa samim pojmom kampanje. U drugom dijelu ukazat će se na sve veći trend upotrebe negativne političke propagande. Kao metodu promatranja navedenih spotova koristit će se metoda analize sadržaja. Poseban dio odvojen je za teorijski pregled ove metode. U završnom dijelu izložit će se rezultati promatranja. Analizom navedenih spotova uočava se da je Boris Tadić, na direktan način, tokom čitavog spota pokušavao diskreditirati suparnika Tomislava Nikolića, dok je Aleksandar Vučić koristio indirektnu tehniku negativne propagande. Ova je razlika bitna, jer je strategija Aleksandra Vučića bila uspješnija, gledano kroz prizmu izbornog rezultata. Društveno akademski doprinos ovog rada je u tome što predstavlja jednu od rijetkih analiza negativne propagande tijekom predizborne kampanje u Srbiji. ; The subject of the paper is the analysis of the videos of the presidential candidates in power at the time of the presidential elections in 2012 and 2017. From 2012, the video of the candidate of the Democratic Party, Boris Tadic, will be analyzed, and from 2017, the video of the candidate of the Serbian Progressive Party, Aleksandar Vucic, will be analyzed. In the mentioned videos, the use of negative propaganda of these two candidates towards their opponents will be pointed out. The work will be divided into several parts, at the beginning the readers will be acquainted with the significance of the videos in modern political propaganda, as well as with the very concept of the campaign. The second part will point out the growing trend of using negative political propaganda. The method of content analysis will be used for the method of observing the mentioned videos. A special section will be set aside for a theoretical review of this method. In the final part, the results of the observation will be presented. The analysis of the mentioned videos shows that Boris Tadic directly tried to discredit his opponent Tomislav Nikolic during the entire video, while Aleksandar Vucic used the indirect technique of negative propaganda. This difference is important, because the strategy of Aleksandar Vucic was more successful, viewed through the election result. The socio-academic contribution of this paper is that it represents one of the rare analyzes of negative propaganda during the election campaign in Serbia

Swing države izrazito su važan političko-geografski fenomen u američkoj politici, a obzirom na ulogu SAD-a u svijetu taj fenomen se posljedično odražava i na svjetsku politiku. Politički sustav SAD-a jedinstven je i omogućava nastanak swing država. U analizi su proučavani određeni demografski faktori koji utječu na glasanje u swing državama kao što su rasna, religijska i dobno-spolna struktura te visina dohotka i utjecaj ruralnosti i urbaniziranosti. Na primjeru deset odabranih swing država analizirano je što je dovelo do toga da savezna država postane swing državom ili se prestane smatrati swing državom. Analiza je pokazala da neki faktori češće utječu na swing status određene savezne države nego drugi. Promatrane swing države su to najčešće postale zbog priljeva stanovništva migracijom. Uz to, analizirana je prostorna distribucija glasova unutar swing država te vrste glasača unutar swing država ; Swing states are an extremely important political-geographical phenomenon in American politics, given the role of the United States in the world, this phenomenon is consequently reflected in world politics. The US political system is unique and allows for the emergence of swing states. The analysis examined certain demographic factors influencing voting in swing states such as racial, religious and age-sex structure as well as income levels and the impact of rurality and urbanization. On the example of ten selected swing states, it was analysed what led to the federal state becoming a swing state or ceasing to be considered a swing state. The analysis showed that some factors affect the swing status of a particular federal state more often than others. The observed swing states have most often become so due to the influx of population through migration. In addition, the spatial distribution of votes within swing states were analysed and the types of voters within swing states as well.

Odnosi Rusije i Srbije od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije aktualno je pitanje ne samo o budućnosti Srbije nego dometa i intenziteta utjecaja zapadnih integracija i/ili Rusije na Zapadnom Balkanu i JI Europi. Odnosi između Srbije i Rusije analizirani su s obzirom na pitanje smetaju li oni ulasku Srbije u EU i NATO. Analiza je podijeljena na razdoblje od 1991. do 2000. i poslije 2000. godine pri čemu su posebno izdvojene teme oko kojih se najintenzivnije razvijao odnos koji je u pitanju. Intenzitet odnosa između dvije zemlje promatran je prvenstveno kao posljedica pojedinačnih odnosa obje zemlje sa Zapadom, prvenstveno sa Sjedinjenim Državama i EU, pa se i oni analiziraju. Iako se kroz literaturu i pojedinačne događaje ne pokazuju jedinstvena mišljenja i informacije, zajedno pružaju temelj za zaključak da je ulazak Srbije u zapadne integracije, osim ulazak u NATO u određenom stupnju, prvenstveno određen pragmatičnim interesima Srbije, a ne Rusije kojoj je Srbija jednako tako interesna zona samo u pogledu aktualnih pragmatičnih pitanja, a ne nekog iracionalnog, sudbinskog savezništva. ; The relationship between Serbia and Russia since the break-up of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union is a very timely topic of discussion: Beyond the political and economic future of Serbia, it bears on the scope and intensity of Western integration throughout the Balkans and SE Europe. To this end, contemporary Serbo-Russian relations are analyzed in terms of their potential impact on Serbia joining the EU and NATO. The analysis is divided into two periods, 1991-2000 and post-2000. The more critical issues in bilateral relations are emphasized. Understanding each country's separate relationship with the West -- particularly the USA and EU -- is an essential part of this analysis. Contradictory conclusions may be reached when arguments advanced in the literature or individual geo-political events are considered in isolation; but when available information is combined, there is a basis for concluding that ...

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.