Suchergebnisse

Russia's reactions toward the US plan for deploying a national missile defense system & strategy for renegotiating the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty are studied. An overview of the former USSR's ballistic missile defense research & technology & implementation of such a system around Moscow is presented. It is claimed that Russia's diminished status as a global superpower has severely decreased its capacity to maintain the ABM Treaty in its current state. A review of Russia-US arms control summits during the late 1990s illustrates both nations' concerns with other countries' creation of long-range ballistic missiles. It is stated that renegotiating the ABM treaty provides the best-case scenario for present-day Russia & that allowing the US to withdraw from the agreement would damage future possibilities for Russia-US cooperation. In addition, it is speculated that renegotiation could lead to both nations' collaboration in creating a joint missile defense system. It is concluded that Putin's overt acknowledgment of ballistic missile threats has probably compromised Russia's ability to preserve the original stipulations of the ABM Treaty. J. W. Parker

Popular, competitive elections are a component of the democratic process, but they alone do not constitute a democracy. The first somewhat competitive election in the Soviet Union in 1989 marked the beginning of a trend toward political liberalization & democracy. Since then the Russians have voted for their chosen candidates many times, although only a small percentage of the adult population participates. The elections, on all levels, have been held as prescribed by law, though the first founding election for a new political system under a new constitution did not take place until December 1993. The campaigns & outcomes of the Gorbachev, Yeltsin, & (the first) Putin elections, & the corresponding parliamentary elections, are described. Under Putin, the elections still perform a quasi-democratic function, but they are now controlled by state institutions that have the ability to falsify the outcomes in favor of Putin-supported incumbents. J. Stanton

"The main purpose of this introductory chapter is to give an initial systematic overview of the information that is treated in the individual country studies. The authors do not attempt to anticipate the exhaustive comparative analysis now made possible by the free availability of relevant historical data on elections and electoral systems in Europe. In contrast to many publications on European elections and parties, where the East and the West are treated separately, and small and so-called micro states are often ignored, Elections in Europe comprise all European countries, from Albania to Vatican City, irrespective of their individual size, in alphabetical order. They do not deny that a grouping of 45 European states would have made sense. Among comparative scholars, a subregional approach is widespread. For example, Southern European countries are regularly treated as a distinct group-or area with common features; the same goes for the Central and Eastern European countries. Especially for comparative research, political scientists would certainly find some more criteria to systematize the large set of countries: regime type (authoritarian, democratic), state structure (centralist, federalist), form of government (parliamentarism, presidentialism), type of democracy (majoritarian, consensus), level of development (agrarian, industrialist), etc. For systematic reasons, the authors preferred an alphabetical order." (excerpt)

Discusses the changes in electoral decision procedures, namely, non-party elections, & the possibilities for enhanced citizen participation in the political process. Referendums & other non-party elections are explained with evaluation of their impact on citizenries' participation & influence in democracies. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix. L. Collins Leigh

Während die Bildungskorruption in westlichen Gesellschaften eher eine Randerscheinung darstellt, ist sie in Russland scheinbar allgegenwärtig. Die vorliegende Studie befasst sich mit der Empfänglichkeit des russischen Hochschulsystems für korrupte Praktiken. Die spezifischen Ursachen und Formen von Korruption im russischen Hochschulwesen werden anhand empirischer Daten herausgearbeitet. Da dieser Themenkomplex nicht nur in der russischen, sondern auch in der internationalen wissenschaftlichen Forschung bisher kaum Beachtung findet, liegt nur wenig Datenmaterial vor. Aus diesem Grund wurden für diese Untersuchung empirische Daten in drei russischen Städten erhoben. Angesichts der Komplexität und Dynamik, durch welche sich das russische Hochschulsystem gegenwärtig auszeichnet, erhebt dieser Querschnitt jedoch keinen Anspruch auf Repräsentativität oder die vollständige Erfassung der Problematik. Vielmehr wird der Fokus auf einzelne Akteure gelegt und primär die Ebene der Alltagskorruption zwischen Universitätsmitarbeitern und Studierenden bzw. deren Eltern untersucht. Ziel ist es, die Motive zu benennen, die zu korrupten Handlungen führen und die Formen zu beschreiben, in denen sich die Korruption konkret an Hochschulen manifestiert. Auf der Grundlage dieser Erkenntnisse wird ein Maßnahmenkatalog erarbeitet, der Mittel zur Bekämpfung von Korruption im russischen Hochschulwesen aufzeigt. (ICI2).

The issue concerning whether holding political elections in post-conflict societies necessarily contributes to transitional states democratization is explored. Three factors that significantly influence democratization following political elections are identified: the timing of electoral contests; the design of elections; & the inclusion of political parties. It is contended that holding elections prematurely can threaten democratic sustainability, problematize efforts to coordinate local & national elections, & facilitate political actors illegal assumption of political authority. Questions concerning the administration of transitional electoral contests & whether the electoral system should be based upon proportional representation or centripetal principles, particularly in ethnically diverse societies, are then addressed. Several suggestions for avoiding the formation of polarized political parties are subsequently offered, eg, regulations promoting the composition cross-ethnic & cross-regional political parties should be established & parties can be forced to submit multi-ethnic candidate lists. J. W. Parker