Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes evolution of the system of election of the heads of Russian regions. It is shown that in the first stage there was no uniform system of formation of the regional authorities. The author discusses the reasons for the introduction of direct elections of governors. The author believes that the subsequent abolition of direct gubernatorial elections was caused by the federal center's intention to build the "vertical of executive power." The article describes the main reasons for inauguration procedures of the gubernatorial officeholders. The motives of the return of direct gubernatorial elections in 2012 are established. Key words: head of the region, the governor, elections, regional policy, the regional authorities. ; Статья посвящена эволюции формирования корпуса глав российских регионов. Показано, что на первом этапе не существовало единой системы формирования региональной власти. Много внимания уделено причинам введения прямых губернаторских выборов. Автор полагает, что отмена всенародных выборов глав регионов являлось одним из мероприятий по выстраиванию «вертикали исполнительной власти». В статье излагаются основные причины введения системы наделения гражданина полномочиями высшего должностного лица региона. Установлены мотивы возращения в2012 г. прямых губернаторских выборов.Ключевые слова: глава региона, губернатор, выборы, региональная политика, региональная власть.

The article is focused at the role of "Russian factor" on the presidential elections in France in 2017. The author shows that Russian influence on the elections is determined by the current international situation complicating Russian-French relations as well as ambivalent perception of Russia by different French political forces. The author explores the link between evolution of French political situation and accusations against Kremlin concerning its supposed intervention to the electoral process. The conclusion says that special but limited Russian influence played particular role but couldn't determine the results of French presidential elections-2017. The Russian factor still works but it is capable to evolve. ; В статье рассматривается роль «российского фактора» на ход избирательной кампании во Франции 2017 г. Показано, что влияние России на французские выборы определялось сложившейся международной ситуацией, осложнившей отношения двух стран, а также полярным восприятием России различными политическими силами внутри самой Франции. Проанализирована связь эволюции внутриполитической обстановки во Франции с обвинениями в адрес России о вмешательстве в выборы. Сделан вывод о том, что специфика и ограниченность российского воздействия сыграли особую, но далеко не определяющую роль в исходе президентских выборов-2017. Влияние российского фактора сохраняется, но может эволюционировать.

The unexpected election of Donald Trump appears to offer the Russian government hope of both improved bilateral relations with the US and a more favourable international political climate. However, Trump's apparent interest in improving relations with Russia are at odds with the position of his own party, and this obstacle may be compounded both by Trump's temperament and his lack of foreign policy experience. Not surprisingly, the Russian government has adopted a cautious approach to the incoming administration, and there currently appears to be little reason to expect a sustained and significant improvement in US–Russia relations.

Latest issue consulted: 93. ; Description based on: 78. ; Volumes for -19 distributed to depository libraries in microfiche. ; Vol. for 1981 not published. ; Mode of access: Internet.

General Elections are the embodiments of the mandate stipulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 1 paragraph (2) which affirms that "sovereignty is in the hands of the people and carried out according to the Constitution". The Formulation Document that will be formulated in the research are: (1) What is the violation in the general election? And (2) What is law enforcement in general election. The method used in this study is normative legal research, normative legal research methods or library law research methods are methods or procedures that are used in legal research by examining existing library material. Election violations constitute acts prohibited by the Election Law against election organizers resulting in the imposition of sanctions for violations. The enactment of Law Number 7 Year 2017 on General Elections provides for different types of violations, disputes, criminal offenses and electoral disputes. The crime of elections is a criminal offense punishable by a particular punishment based on the criminal justice system. The purpose of election is to carry out popular sovereignty and the realization of the political rights of the people to produce leaders who will occupy important positions in the government.

The 2000 presidential election, marked by a crisis in the electoral process in the state of Florida and a challenge to the legitimacy of the election of George W. Bush, sparked a national debate on the quality of American democracy. The discussion quickly came to focus on "technical" problems associated with voting practices, including issues related to voter registration, ballot counting, ballot machinery, and election administration. Numerous commissions weighed in on these issues and made recommendations for reforming various aspects of the election system.1 Congress debated election reform and ultimately passed the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) at the end of the 107th Session of Congress in 2002. Legislatures in all fifty states also took up the issue, and many states passed measures to improve election administration.

Superseded by 3 separate publications: its: General election laws of Indiana, governing general elections with instructions to voters; its: Primary election laws of Indiana, governing primary elections with instructions to voters; and: Indiana. State Election Board. Official political calendar. ; Vols. for 1908-44, issued by the Board of Election Commissioners, 1946-51, by the State Election Board. ; Title varies slightly. ; Issued in 2 pts., one including laws governing primary elections and one with laws relating only to the November elections. ; Biennial. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This one of a series of regular rapports on Russia for European Public Law summarises recent developments: 1. increase in the terms of office of the President and the State Duma; 2. resolution of a jurisdictional dispute between the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court over powers to declare legislation unconstitutional; 3. creation of a new Supreme Court of the Russian Federation; 4. changes to election rules for State Duma deputies; and 5. expansion of the Russian Federation by the inclusion of two new Federation subjects.

Although the Storting election of 11 September 2017 reduced the number of seats backing the incumbent conservative government, it still gave the two governing parties and their supporting centre-right parties a parliamentary majority. Thus, Prime Minister Solberg's premiership will continue after the election. In the previous period, the government could secure a parliamentary majority with either of the two centrist parties; the Liberal Party or the Christian Democrats. After the 2017 election, they will need the support of both parties to secure a majority, unless they can get help from one or more of the centre-left opposition parties. When Solberg formed her government back in 2013, the populist right-wing Progress Party entered government for the first time. Even Progress Party leaders feared that they would lose support from anti-establishment voters. Poor turnout at the 2015 local election did not bode well. However, the Progress Party did far better in the 2017 national elections and lost only 1.1 percentage points and two seats compared with the 2013 election. A major success factor for the Progress Party was the attention given to immigration issues during the election campaign (see below). At the previous election, in 2013, the Green Party won a seat for the first time, increasing the number of parties in parliament from seven to eight. In 2017, the far-left Red Party increased the number of parties from eight to nine. Despite the re-election of the incumbent government, the election signalled a shift to the left, even to the left of the Labour Party.

General elections are held every five years in South Africa. During the 12 to 24 hour period after the close of the voting booths, the expected final results are of huge interest to the electorate and politicians. In the past, the Council for Scientic and Industrial Research (CSIR) has developed an election forecasting model in order to provide the media and political analysts with forecasts of the final results during this period of peak interest. In formulating this model, which forecasts the election results as the results from voting districts (VDs) become available, some assumptions had to be made. In particular, assumptions were made about the clustering of previous voting patterns as well as the order in which VD results are released.This election forecasting model had been used successfully for a number of elections in the past and in these previous elections, with around 5%{10% of the results available, the predictions produced by the model were very close to the final outcome, particularly for the ANC, being the largest party. For the 2014 national election, however, the predictions, with close to 50% of the voting district results known (equivalent to an estimated 40% of the total votes), were still not accurate and varied by more than 1% for both the ANC and the EFF. This paper outlines a post-election analysis to determine the reasons for these discrepancies and how they relate directly to the model assumptions. The aim is to highlight how practical realities can affect the assumptions and consequently their impact on the forecasted results. Reference is made to previous election forecasts and the 2014 post-election analysis is presented.Keywords: Forecasting, elections, assumptions, post-election analysis

In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany's future relations with Russia are possible. ; In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany's future relations with Russia are possible.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Official organ of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau, June 1919-Jan. 1921; of the Friends of Soviet Russia, Feb. 1922-Oct. 1924. ; "Replaced . . . 'The Weekly bulletin of the Bureau of Information of Soviet Russia' . . . first published on March 3, 1919 . . . the last issue (number 13) appearing on the 26th of May.

With the intention of assisting legislators, election officials and the public to make sense of recent literature on post-election audits and convert it into realistic audit practices, the Brennan Center and the Samuelson Law, Technology and Public Policy Clinic at Boalt Hall School of Law (University of California Berkeley) convened a blue ribbon panel (the "Audit Panel") of statisticians, voting experts, computer scientists and several of the nation's leading election officials. Following a review of the literature and extensive consultation with the Audit Panel, the Brennan Center and the Samuelson Clinic make several practical recommendations for improving post-election audits, regardless of the audit method that a jurisdiction ultimately decides to adopt.

Advances in Virginia's election law happen incrementally. This year was typical in that regard. While over one hundred bills and resolutions pertaining to elections were introduced in the 2006 Regular Session of the General Assembly, the legislature was judicious in its approval of election related legislation. This article surveys recent developments in Virginia's election laws by focusing on those legislative enactments and judicial decisions that are significant, interesting, or show some developing trend in the area of election law.

One of the Cold War's commonplaces about Russia was its abiding embrace of authoritarianism. Across the centuries, successive regimes, whether Tsarist or Communist, have been characterised by Western scholars as highly centralised, personalised power structures, with an intolerance of dissidence that too easily descended into barbaric brutality. Living on Europe's farthest edge, Russia's peoples are said to have been bypassed by Enlightenment modernity, the rise of liberal constitutionalism and the gradual entrenchment of individual rights and democratic freedoms. For those commentators inspired by such Cold War thinking, it is a legacy that continues to shape contemporary politics. The assumption is that Putin's reclaiming of the presidency in 2012 is emblematic of an inevitable reversion to authoritarianism. Drawing on research in Russia during the March 2012 election, this article takes a critical look at the plethora of global statistical surveys that point to authoritarian trends under the current regime. It concludes that the conceptual framework underpinning the West's revelations about the descent into authoritarianism in contemporary Russia is neither clear nor convincing.