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The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy. ; The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

An election campaign is an inseparable element of every election process. It is time preceding all democratic elections which in its being is exceptional and unique. This article is aimed at presenting to the comprehensive systematization of election campaigns. Ten criteria allowing to understand the complexity of the discussed political phenomenon were adopted. They are these criteria: the object, the time, the spatial reach, the legitimacy, the sequence of voting, the way of competition, the aim, the way of reaching the electorate, technological trends, methods of proceedings. For example the authoress assigned to the first criterion such electoral campaigns as: european, presidential, parliamentary, self-government. The systematization of election campaigns described in the article seems as of today to use up the complexity of the description of that political phenomenon. Maybe in the future implementing new criteria of the typology will be necessary. It will happen probably as a result of the rapid development of an contemporary election campaigns, and new criteria will concern rather strategic and tactical matters, than they will result from prescriptive regulations.

The specific use of the "energy weapon" in the hybrid war is being analyzed. The author highlights the historical retrospective use of the "energy weapon" in general and against Ukraine in particular. Now the energy component of hybrid war is the second in importance and power after the information component. The main political task of the gas conflict between Moscow and Kyiv, which was inspired by the Kremlin, was to demonstrate the inability of Ukraine as a transit partner and to damage the reputation of our country as a reliable transit, geoeconomic and geopolitical partner of the European Union. During the gas conflict Russia tried to position itself as an influential geopolitical player to preserve Ukraine in its sphere of political influence. By blackmail and promises to keep "special conditions" in the price formation Kremlin sought to protect its geopolitical interests in Ukraine. Upon solving the gas conflict, Moscow has tried to block the implementation of the provisions of the Charter on Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and the United States on modernization. The "gas weapon" was used for the first time during the winter of 2005–2006. The first gas war demonstrated the vulnerability of Ukraine and European consumers, and demonstrated how effective and promising may be the further use of energy weapons.Gas weapons are used on several different fronts. First, Russia claims Ukraine is not trustworthy as a transit country for gas as it will act firstly to protect its own interests. In other words, Gazprom offers Europe a choice – or they, European consumers and voters, suffer or Ukraine does. Second, Russian specialists are ready at the first opportunity to accuse Ukraine of unsanctioned gas use, thereby justifying a reduction in supply to Europe. Third, Gazprom intends to prevent establishing reserve gas supplies in Ukraine. Fourth, Russia views Ukrainian gas debts as a source of financial income particularly necessary today.The purpose of the use of gas weapons is the implementation of a direct impact on the economy of the state, in this case – causing economic losses of Ukraine, with long lasting effects.

The specific use of the "energy weapon" in the hybrid war is being analyzed. The author highlights the historical retrospective use of the "energy weapon" in general and against Ukraine in particular. Now the energy component of hybrid war is the second in importance and power after the information component. The main political task of the gas conflict between Moscow and Kyiv, which was inspired by the Kremlin, was to demonstrate the inability of Ukraine as a transit partner and to damage the reputation of our country as a reliable transit, geoeconomic and geopolitical partner of the European Union. During the gas conflict Russia tried to position itself as an influential geopolitical player to preserve Ukraine in its sphere of political influence. By blackmail and promises to keep "special conditions" in the price formation Kremlin sought to protect its geopolitical interests in Ukraine. Upon solving the gas conflict, Moscow has tried to block the implementation of the provisions of the Charter on Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and the United States on modernization. The "gas weapon" was used for the first time during the winter of 2005–2006. The first gas war demonstrated the vulnerability of Ukraine and European consumers, and demonstrated how effective and promising may be the further use of energy weapons.Gas weapons are used on several different fronts. First, Russia claims Ukraine is not trustworthy as a transit country for gas as it will act firstly to protect its own interests. In other words, Gazprom offers Europe a choice – or they, European consumers and voters, suffer or Ukraine does. Second, Russian specialists are ready at the first opportunity to accuse Ukraine of unsanctioned gas use, thereby justifying a reduction in supply to Europe. Third, Gazprom intends to prevent establishing reserve gas supplies in Ukraine. Fourth, Russia views Ukrainian gas debts as a source of financial income particularly necessary today.The purpose of the use of gas weapons is the implementation of a direct impact on the economy of the state, in this case – causing economic losses of Ukraine, with long lasting effects.

Artykuł ten przedstawia dorobek intensywnie rozwijającej się od początku XXI wieku, w badaniach nad wyborami regionalnymi, perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego. Perspektywa ta, odwołuje się do koncepcji wyborów regionalnych jako wyborów drugorzędnych, jednak modyfikuje ją, wskazując na przeobrażenia zachodzące we współczesnej polityce regionalnej w Europie (wzmocnienie władz regionalnych [regional government], zwiększenie liczby stanowisk politycznych, które obsadzane są w drodze wyborów, większe kompetencje wyborców, wzrost liczby partii regionalnych i decentralizacja struktur partyjnych). Prace badawcze prowadzone w ramach tej perspektywy zmierzają do udokumentowania i wyjaśnienia przypadków niepotwierdzających modelu drugorzędności oraz wyodrębnienia krajów, w których jest ona nadal obserwowalna i ustalenia czynników wzmacniających ją lub osłabiających. W warstwie teoretycznej, przy opisie wyborów regionalnych, koncepcja wyborów drugorzędnych wzbogacana i uzupełniana jest o dwie inne koncepcje, odwołujące się do zakresu sprawstwa władz regionalnych i podziałów terytorialnych. Artykuł zakończy zaprezentowanie badań nad wyborami w Europie Środkowowschodniej. ; The article discusses the findings of the multilevel government school (MLG) which has been advancing since the beginning of the 21st century, studying regional elections. The concept defining regional elections as second-order elections has been recognized as critical, although it is reformulated by the MLG school to respond to changes in modern regional politics in Europe. Important recent political developments include the entrenchment of regional governments, the increase in the number of electoral appointments, expanded competencies of voters, the rise of non-state-wide parties and the empowerment of sub-national organizational levels of parties. Current MLG research focuses on identifying and explaining the cases where second-order election predictions do not appear to hold for regional elections, identifying states where it is still the case and, finally, identifying factors that increase or decrease this effect. An interesting theoretical development regarding regional elections as second-order elections is that this concept is supplemented and enriched by the theories of regional authority and territorial cleavages. The final part of the article reviews studies on regional elections and the applicability of the second-order concept to Central and Eastern European countries.

Można postawić tezę, że wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 r. miały dla przyszłości Polski znaczenie zasadnicze. Porozumienie zawarte przy Okrągłym Stole umożliwiało opozycji demokratycznej jedynie obecność w parlamencie i tym samym kontrolę aparatu władzy. Miało też przerzucić na opozycję część odpowiedzialności za państwo. Wynik wyborów spowodował, że obóz komunistyczny musiał władzę oddać w ręce dotychczasowej opozycji. W artykule przedstawiono wysiłki przedstawicieli Komitetu Obywatelskiego w Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej zmierzające do zabezpieczenia rzetelności wyborów. Jest to jednocześnie obraz powstawania w Polsce prawa wyborczego charakteryzującego demokratyczne państwo oraz tworzenia się kultury prawnej społeczeństwa. ; It might be argued that the election of 4 June 1989 was of essential importance for the future of Poland. The agreement reached at the 'Round Table' merely provided for the presence of democratic opposition in Parliament, allowing it to exercise some control of the apparatus of power. The intention of that concession was to pass onto the opposition a share of responsibility for the state. However, as a result of the election that followed, the ruling communists had to actually hand down power to their opponents. This paper describes the efforts that the Citizens' Committee in the State Election Commission made to protect the integrity of the election. It also describes the process of electoral law formation in Poland, as well as the development of the legal culture of society.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 141-156 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 141-156 ; streszcz. ang., pol.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process. ; The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki - kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept offraming of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki – kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept of framing of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.

The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gain- ing or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 elec- tion campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.

The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations. ; The essay submitted is not purely scientific. The author is not a specialist in Polish-Russian relations, but is convinced that the analysis of relations with the eastern neighbor should not be left only to specialists. As a cultural anthropologist who has been dealing with the issues of collective memory for years, I am convinced that too little attention is paid by specialists to the mutual fascination of Russian and Polish cultures. Moreover, at present, the strongly Russophobic moods, in a significant part tof Polish society, influence the formation of too one-sided memory. Hence the political accents in the following text, which also does not avoid subjective accents. Needless to say, a possible polemic with the theses expressed by the author would be the best fulfillment of my expectations.