Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и политических салонов, политически активные представители элиты. На сегодняшний день в историографической традиции продолжает оставаться основополагающей идея о стратегическом значении франко-русского альянса, прямым следствием которой является положение о его очевидности и безальтернативности для политической и военной элиты обеих стран. Между тем, подобная точка зрения могла бы обогатиться при рассмотрении широкого круга сторонников и противников франко-русского сближения. В качестве перспективных направлений для будущих исследований возможно определить проблему участия в сближении Франции и России французского банковского капитала, выявить его связи с представителями Министерства иностранных дел Франции, а также более внимательно изучить механизмы формирования политического мнения в рамках т.н. «салонной дипломатии»: оказывали ли встречи политиков, деятелей культуры, лидеров общественного мнения влияние на принятие внешнеполитических решений и каким образом это происходило.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical heritage of Russia and France. The author focuses on the problem of identifying those interested in the Franco-Russian rapprochement and on the decision-making mechanisms in the French and Russian/Soviet leadership. Even though the relations between Russia and France in the 19th century were tense, the two countries managed to build a strategic dialogue and unite in the face of the German threat, overcoming political and cultural contradictions. The author represents the following interest groups in the Russian Empire and the French Third Republic: diplomats and the military, the financial elite, holders of salons and periodicals, and politically active members of the elite. Today, in the historiographical tradition, the idea of the strategic significance of the Franco-Russian Alliance continues to be fundamental, which means (as a direct consequence) its obviousness and lack of alternative for the political and military elite of the two countries. Meanwhile, such a point of view could be enriched by considering a wide range of supporters and opponents of the Russo-French Rapprochement. As promising areas for further research, it is possible to consider the problem of the participation of French banking capital in the rapprochement between France and Russia, to identify its connections with representatives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and to take a closer look at the mechanisms for forming political opinion within "salon diplomacy": whether the meetings of politicians, cultural figures, and opinion leaders influenced decision making in foreign policy and how exactly that happened.

Since the implosion of the Soviet bloc, a 'unipolar' world has emerged around the USA, challenged by an Islamic bloc. The USA takes advantage of this Islamic opposition to vigorously pursue its world policies in the name of 'the war on terrorism' this being the guise by which President George H.W. Bush announced the intention of leading the United Nations into a 'new world order'. Russia and China have attempted to confront this mono-polar post-Cold War situation by forming a pact between each other and bordering states, the Central Asia and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. This holds out the prospect of a Eurasian bloc to confront the world hegemony of the USA, which seeks to draw to it the European Union and return Europe to the subordinate role she played vis-é-vis the USA during the Cold War, pushed into coming under the US orbit by the fear of Warsaw Pact invasion. It is by no means clear that the USA has a long-range commitment to containing China, despite its anti-China lobby. There has for decades existed a pro-China lobby, including some of the USA's leading political and business figures, one of whose public manifestations is the Trilateral Commission created by David Rockefeller. These 'Trilateralists', et al. see the creation of regional blocs as the prelude to a 'new world order', and one such bloc is envisaged as being that of an Asian economic community along similar lines to that of the European Union. The expanding economic, military and diplomatic influence of China and the recent emergence of India as a rival power in Asia have wide geopolitical implications that involve Russia. Between these powers and the possibility of military confrontation over water resources, the traditionally 'Western' societies of Australia and New Zealand have placed their futures in a China-dominated Asian bloc, in the belief that their export-driven economies can only thrive in such a vast market. This article proposes a radical new alliance away from a China-dominated Asia and towards an Indo-Russian orientation. The methodology, including points of difference, is inspired by Professor Alexander Dugin's 'Eurasian' geopolitical paradigm.

ABSTRACT: In the post-cold war era there has been a remarkable renewal and strengthening of Sino-Russian relations, especially from 2000 onwards. Moscow and Beijing started renewing and enhancing their ties in security, trade, as well as diplomatic issues more vigorously. Τhe close cooperation between the two countries is evident however the partnership hasn't advanced to an anti-hegemonic opposition bloc despite the opportunities that arise. Russia and China are two rising powers with a great geopolitical weight in the international system and their partnership constitutes a constant topic of analysis. Sino-Russian co-operation takes place on many levels from energy supplies, joint military exercises, trade agreements, arms sales and the establishment of new multilateral institutions (such as the Sanghai organization, BRICS New Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, AIIB) to a broad consensus on issues in international relations. However, the two powers haven't formed an actual alliance that could fundamentally alter the distribution of power in the international system. KEYWORDS: China, Russia, strategic partnership, arms sales, energy trade, cooperation