Suchergebnisse

After launching a partnership with the Rwandan government to drive the country's payment system from a cash-based economy to a cashless one, Visa was the first – and until today the only - major credit card company to enter the Rwandan Market fully in 2012. In July 2013 the Bank of Kigali together with VISA launched mVISA, an interoperable mobile branchless banking solution. The goal of mVISA is to meet the needs of underserved and unbanked Rwandans by providing relevant, affordable and accessible financial services. The mVISA product is a digital wallet that targets 55 per cent of the country's population of 10.5 million that currently have mobile phones. It will allow clients to easily access their bank's account via their phone and also encourage non- account holders mainly rural folks to become bankable. For VISA to achieve their goal of bringing millions of additional people to profit from digital payment, the general public needs to know where to find an mVisa agent who can pay real cash withdrawn or transferred from remote accounts. To address this challenge Visa Rwanda mandated an ArcGIS Online solution showing the location and additional details of all the newly established mVisa agents. As there is no basis for an automated geocoding yet for the whole of the country (no street names, house numbers, etc.) the mVisa Agent locations have to be collected using a GPS. Using public transport and motorbike taxis in rural areas, each agent is visited and the data thus collected is uploaded to ArcGIS Online. The resulting map is updated on a monthly basis with newly registered agents and is shared with the general public. Currently mVisa is being used by Bank of Kigali (BK) and the Urwego Opportunity Bank (UOB). ; After launching a partnership with the Rwandan government to drive the country's payment system from a cash-based economy to a cashless one, Visa was the first – and until today the only - major credit card company to enter the Rwandan Market fully in 2012. In July 2013 the Bank of Kigali together with VISA launched mVISA, an interoperable mobile branchless banking solution. The goal of mVISA is to meet the needs of underserved and unbanked Rwandans by providing relevant, affordable and accessible financial services. The mVISA product is a digital wallet that targets 55 per cent of the country's population of 10.5 million that currently have mobile phones. It will allow clients to easily access their bank's account via their phone and also encourage non- account holders mainly rural folks to become bankable. For VISA to achieve their goal of bringing millions of additional people to profit from digital payment, the general public needs to know where to find an mVisa agent who can pay real cash withdrawn or transferred from remote accounts. To address this challenge Visa Rwanda mandated an ArcGIS Online solution showing the location and additional details of all the newly established mVisa agents. As there is no basis for an automated geocoding yet for the whole of the country (no street names, house numbers, etc.) the mVisa Agent locations have to be collected using a GPS. Using public transport and motorbike taxis in rural areas, each agent is visited and the data thus collected is uploaded to ArcGIS Online. The resulting map is updated on a monthly basis with newly registered agents and is shared with the general public. Currently mVisa is being used by Bank of Kigali (BK) and the Urwego Opportunity Bank (UOB).

The Government of Rwanda has adopted a very ambitious financial sectordevelopment plan which is at the implementation stage. This has made the administration to create atleast one SACCO at every administrative level hence known as '' umurenge''. This plan is captured in the vision 2020 under the Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS). It is realized that micro financial institutions MFIs is an important sector in mobilising savings and availability of credit at reasonable rates and other financial services for investment to the rural majority. However, despite all these effort by Government, the level of domestic savings remains very low and the financial exclusion highly alarming. MFIs is a strategy to eradicate poverty amongst the vulnerable youth and women. Mobile money is a tool to allow individuals to transact using cell phone technology. The study will explore how Digital Economy has gained competitive advantage over SACCOs/ MFIs. The study is motivated by the acceptance and embracing of technology (ICT) amongst low income earners giving it competitive advantage and encouraging e-commerce services in Rwanda. A qualitative analysis will be undertaken, and an in depth examination of the variables using business models to establish a relationship in the Rwandan context. ; The Government of Rwanda has adopted a very ambitious financial sectordevelopment plan which is at the implementation stage. This has made the administration to create atleast one SACCO at every administrative level hence known as '' umurenge''. This plan is captured in the vision 2020 under the Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS). It is realized that micro financial institutions MFIs is an important sector in mobilising savings and availability of credit at reasonable rates and other financial services for investment to the rural majority. However, despite all these effort by Government, the level of domestic savings remains very low and the financial exclusion highly alarming. MFIs is a strategy to eradicate poverty amongst the vulnerable youth and women. Mobile money is a tool to allow individuals to transact using cell phone technology. The study will explore how Digital Economy has gained competitive advantage over SACCOs/ MFIs. The study is motivated by the acceptance and embracing of technology (ICT) amongst low income earners giving it competitive advantage and encouraging e-commerce services in Rwanda. A qualitative analysis will be undertaken, and an in depth examination of the variables using business models to establish a relationship in the Rwandan context.

This study was assessing the challenges and opportunities for managing Green Spaces (GS) of the Urban Part of Kigali City (UPKC). To find out the GS classes and their threats, the land use classes were identified using GIS technologies. Its output was completed by the field visit, questionnaire survey, informal interviews and desk review of the existing environmental and biodiversity policies and laws. The land use assessment has shown that the built up areas is the most predominant and occupies 74.3%, while the green spaces occupy only 25.3% of the total areas of Urban Part of Kigali City (UPKC). Among the GS classes identified in UPKC, wetlands occupy about 62.6% of the total area of the GS, forests 25%, gardens that are combination of the road side trees, the roundabouts, and playgrounds occupy 12.4% of the total area of GS while the seasonal and perennial crops areas are not significant in the city. In addition, results have shown that GS play different roles in the city among others, the beautification of the city, the air purification and refreshment, waste water treatment, heat reduction, mind refreshment; act as habitat, food and corridors for a good number of animal, etc. Even though there is no specific law or policy to the urban GS management and protection, the Government of Rwanda (GoR) has put in place a good number of opportunities that take them into consideration. Those include, (1) the governmental policies such as Environmental Policy, Biodiversity Policy, and Forest Policy; (2) the laws such as Organic Environmental Law and, (3) the plans such the master plans for the three districts that make Kigali City. Despite these opportunities, the management of GS in Kigali City is still facing some challenges that the Kigali City authorities are still trying to address. Those include the lack of policies on GS management, low level of awareness on GS management among local people, and the demographic pressure particularly caused by the rural migration that has led to inappropriate human settlement in some areas of the city, wastes management and pollution. ; This study was assessing the challenges and opportunities for managing Green Spaces (GS) of the Urban Part of Kigali City (UPKC). To find out the GS classes and their threats, the land use classes were identified using GIS technologies. Its output was completed by the field visit, questionnaire survey, informal interviews and desk review of the existing environmental and biodiversity policies and laws. The land use assessment has shown that the built up areas is the most predominant and occupies 74.3%, while the green spaces occupy only 25.3% of the total areas of Urban Part of Kigali City (UPKC). Among the GS classes identified in UPKC, wetlands occupy about 62.6% of the total area of the GS, forests 25%, gardens that are combination of the road side trees, the roundabouts, and playgrounds occupy 12.4% of the total area of GS while the seasonal and perennial crops areas are not significant in the city. In addition, results have shown that GS play different roles in the city among others, the beautification of the city, the air purification and refreshment, waste water treatment, heat reduction, mind refreshment; act as habitat, food and corridors for a good number of animal, etc. Even though there is no specific law or policy to the urban GS management and protection, the Government of Rwanda (GoR) has put in place a good number of opportunities that take them into consideration. Those include, (1) the governmental policies such as Environmental Policy, Biodiversity Policy, and Forest Policy; (2) the laws such as Organic Environmental Law and, (3) the plans such the master plans for the three districts that make Kigali City. Despite these opportunities, the management of GS in Kigali City is still facing some challenges that the Kigali City authorities are still trying to address. Those include the lack of policies on GS management, low level of awareness on GS management among local people, and the demographic pressure particularly caused by the rural migration that has led to inappropriate human settlement in some areas of the city, wastes management and pollution.

The subject of the study was the East African Commonwealth, an economic association that currently unites Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and Southern Sudan. Particular attention is paid to the integration processes in Africa in the post-colonial period, the doctrine of federalism in the political discourse of African countries, the causes of the crisis and the dissolution of the EAC in the seventies of the last century, as well as the economic and political reasons for reintegration of YOU. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the EAC from an economic alliance to a political one and the prospect of forming a federative state on the basis of the SAC. The author identifies the factors that led to the economic consolidation of the EAC, as well as those determinants of development of the commonwealth, which make it extremely difficult to form a unified federal state in East Africa. It is concluded that the further regionalization of the African continent and the realization of the federal project in East Africa will be hindered by such factors as the high level of conflict in the EAC member countries, tribalism, cultural, confessional and linguistic heterogeneity, and the ambition of leaders and political elites. ; Объектом исследования стало Восточноафриканское содружество (ВАС) — экономическая ассоциация, объединяющая в настоящее время Кению, Танзанию, Уганду, Бурунди, Руанду и Южный Судан. Особое внимание уделяется рассмотрению интеграционных процессов в регионе в постколониаль-ный период, доктрине регионализма и федерализма в политическом дискурсе этих африканских стран. Рассмотрены причины, побудившие названные страны к консолидации, факторы, обусловившие кризис и распад ВАС в семидесятые годы прошлого столетия, а также экономические и политические причины реинтеграции ВАС. Особое внимание уделяется процессу эволюции ВАС от экономического альянса к политическому объединению и перспективе формирования на его основе федеративного государства. Автор выясняет факторы, обусловившие экономическую консолидацию ВАС, а также те детерминанты развития содружества, которые крайне затрудняют образование единого федеративного государства в Восточной Африке. Сделан вывод о том, что дальнейшей регионализации африканского континента и реализации федеративного проекта в Восточной Африке будут препятствовать такие факторы, как высокий уровень конфликтности в странах-участницах ВАС, трайбализм, культурная, конфессиональная и языковая неоднородность, амбициозность лидеров и политических элит.

The subject. The article analyses the practice of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon and its Judgement of 18 August 2020, rendered against those found guilty of a terrorist act and the impact on the progressive development of international criminal law.The purpose. This article seeks to define what goal the international community pursued in establishing the Special Tribunal for Lebanon from the perspective of international security law, international criminal justice, and counter-terrorism cooperation. The legal nature of the terrorist attack of 14 October 2005 is essential in this regard: is the crime is comparable in its gravity and consequences to the crimes of genocide or war crimes in the territory of the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, which predetermined the subsequent establishment of ad hoc international criminal tribunals? Further, was the establishment of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon an attempt to make the crimes of terrorism an international crime in practice? Finally, was the establishment of the Tribunal an attempt to lay the groundwork for a new type of international judicial bodies with jurisdiction over crimes of terrorism? The methodology. The authors use such general theoretical and specific scientific methods as comparative analysis, generalization, interpretation and classification as well as systemic analysis and formal logical methods.The main results. The legal qualification and analysis of the circumstances of the terrorist attack do not enable the conclusion that the bomb explosion in Beirut was comparable in danger and consequences to any international crimes or was a threat to international peace and security. In its turn, the involvement of the Security Council in the establishment of the Tribunal does not unequivocally evidence its alleged attempt to create a purely international criminal structure.The choice of applicable law granted to Lebanon and the fact that the crime committed solely affected the interests of that State would qualify the Tribunal as an internationalized judicial body, whose work would focus on defining the crime of terrorism through a broader lens of interpreting national legislation. In other words, the impetus for development has been given not to international but national criminal law.The Tribunal was created neither to progressively develop international criminal law with regard to defining terrorism as an international crime nor to advance the international criminal justice system. Rather, it was an attempt to address Lebanon's specific political and legal challenges.Conclusions. The outcome of the Tribunal's work could have a rather negative impact on the development of international criminal law, discrediting the very idea of enabling "peace through justice" and uniform, consistent application and interpretation of international criminal law. ; Анализируются причины создания Специального трибунала по Ливану, существо преступлений, подпадающих под его юрисдикцию, политические аспекты работы. Приводится подробный анализ Приговора Трибунала 2020 г. и всей его деятельности с позиций влияния на развитие международного уголовного права. Отмечается неоднозначность правовых методик и оценок, положенных в основу Приговора; делается вывод о его потенциально отрицательном эффекте для развития международного уголовного права.

Purpose. In Sub-Saharan Africa, UN demographers expect the population to nearly double over the next 30 years (2020–2050), increasing by more than 1 billion people. Demographic changes of such speed and scale will undoubtedly have global implications. The purpose of the work is to calculate a number of scenarios of the demographic future for some countries of the region, taking into account specific features and events of African recent demographic history (in contrast to the UN forecasts). We also aim to assess the difference between various scenarios for each country and the attainability of the "optimistic" scenario.Materials and methods. We develop scenario forecasts for population dynamics in a number of African countries. In all scenarios, mortality dynamics corresponds to the "medium" UN forecast. For the birth rate dynamics, two scenarios were simulated: the optimistic one (birth rate goes from current rates to 2.1 children per woman in 20 years, which was observed in Iran; Rwanda and Ethiopia are more or less close to this scenario) and the inertial one (for countries where birth rate declined in 2005–2015, this decline was simulated to continue at the same rate; for countries where birth rate "froze", two options were modeled; both projected birth rate decline at 0.1 child per woman annually, either starting immediately or after another 10 years).The results show that all scenarios, even the "optimistic" one, forecast a huge population increase in all countries considered (Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia) over the next 30 years. Slow birth rate decline (or prolonged "stagnation" at high levels) parallel to successful mortality reduction (especially in infants and children) accumulated enormous demographic inertia in many countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (to calculate its scope, an additional "provisional" scenario was calculated in the work). The difference between the "inertial" and the "optimistic" reaches the size or even sometimes exceeds the current population of the country. This underlines the importance of the governments' efforts to curb population growth. Ethiopia proves such efforts.Conclusion. Only in Ethiopia the "inertial" and "optimistic" scenarios almost coincide thanks to demographic growth-reducing efforts undertaken there since the early 1990s; thus, in 2005–2015 the birth rate decreased by 1.3 children per woman. This proves that achieving an "optimistic" scenario is possible in African countries, although with considerable and concentrated efforts. ; Цель. В Африке южнее Сахары эксперты-демографы ООН ожидают приблизительно удвоения населения за ближайшие 30 лет (с 2020 к 2050 году); население региона увеличится более чем на 1 млрд человек. Подобная скорость и масштаб демографических изменений, вне всякого сомнения, будут иметь глобальные последствия. Цель работы – рассчитать ряд сценариев демографического будущего стран региона, учитывающих демографическую специфику африканских стран (в отличие от прогнозов ООН), оценить различие между разными сценариями для каждой страны и достижимость «оптимистического» сценария.Материалы и методы. Была разработана методика сценарного прогнозирования численности населения и использована для ряда стран региона. Во всех сценариях динамика смертности соответствовала «среднему» прогнозу ООН. Для динамики рождаемости моделировались следующие сценарии: оптимистический (снижение рождаемости до 2,1 ребенка на женщину в течение 20 лет, опыт снижения рождаемости такими и даже большими темпами имеется у Ирана, в Африке к нему близки Руанда и отчасти Эфиопия) и инерционный (для стран, где рождаемость снижалась в 2005–2015 гг., моделировалось продолжение ее снижения с той же скоростью; для стран, где рождаемость «застыла», моделировались два варианта снижения рождаемости со скоростью 0,1 ребенка на женщину в год – один вариант предполагал немедленное начало снижения, во втором варианте снижение начиналось через 10 лет).Результаты показывают, что все без исключения сценарии, даже «оптимистический» предполагают колоссальное увеличение численности населения во всех рассмотренных странах (Мозамбик, Нигер, Нигерия, Танзания, Уганда, Эфиопия) в течение предстоящих 30 лет. Это связано с тем, что из-за медленного снижения рождаемости (или же вовсе довольно длительных периодов отсутствия ее снижения) на фоне значительных успехов в снижении смертности, особенно младенческой и детской, во многих странах региона накоплена колоссальная демографическая инерция (для расчета ее масштабов в работе рассчитан еще один дополнительный «условный» сценарий). Расчеты показывают колоссальную разницу между вариантами «инерционного» сценария, с одной стороны, и «оптимистическим» сценарием, с другой, которая порой достигает или даже превышает текущую численность населения страны. Это подчеркивает важность усилий правительств по снижению темпов роста населения – результативность же таких усилий наглядно показывает эфиопский кейс.Заключение. Только в Эфиопии «инерционный» и «оптимистический» сценарии почти совпадают – благодаря усилиям по снижению темпов роста населения, предпринимаемым здесь с начала 1990-х гг.; за 2005–2015 г., к примеру, рождаемость здесь снизилась на 1,3 ребенка на женщину. Это доказывает, что достижение «оптимистического» сценария вполне возможно в африканских странах, хотя и потребует значительных и сконцентрированных усилий.