Despite a remarkable transition to peace and development over the past 10 years, Rwanda is still marked by the consequences of the 1994 genocide. Gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged 7.3 percent per year between 1995 and 2006, and public investment has picked up and reached 9.4 percent of GDP in 2007. With security and political stability restored and the business environment improved, private investment has risen from 6 percent in 2001 to an estimated 9 percent of GDP in recent years (Rwanda, MINECOFIN 2008). Progress has also been made in improving education and health indicators. For examples, the number of primary school students rebounded to pre-genocide long-term levels only five years after the conflict. Today Rwanda's gross primary school enrollment ratio is higher than in most other Sub-Saharan countries with similar income levels, and the number of students in secondary school has almost tripled since 1996 (Lopez and Wodon 2005). Moreover, in terms of health indicators, World Bank (2008a) estimates that, while infant mortality increased from 85 to 137 per thousand between 1988–92 and 1992–94, it has since receded to 97.5 per thousand in 2006. ; PR ; IFPRI1 ; DGO; DSGD
The objective of this report is to inform the government's policies and strategies on urbanization as a driver of economic development, job creation, and poverty reduction. Note two examines internal migration in Rwanda, which is a recent phenomenon and remains fairly limited, with less than 10 percent of the population changing their district of residence in the three years between 2011 and 2014. Rural‐to‐urban migration has increased slightly as a share of internal migration, and with internal migration increasing overall, the absolute number of people moving from rural to urban areas has grown. The spatial disparities in living standards offer a compelling motivation for people in lagging areas to move closer to economic density. This note takes a closer look at the scale and nature of internal migration in Rwanda. This note is organized as follows: section one gives introduction. Section two presents the scale and pattern of internal migration, focusing particularly on rural‐to‐urban migration and the secondary cities. Section three sketches the characteristics of migrants, focusing on push and pull factors and disaggregating by type of migration. The final section four concludes.
The Rwanda Economic Update (REU), published twice a year, analyzes recent economic developments and prospects and policy priorities in Rwanda. It is intended for a wide audience of policymakers, business leaders, other market participants, analysts engaged in Rwanda's economy, and civil society. The REU draws on available data reported by the Government of Rwanda and additional information collected as part of the World Bank Group's regular economic monitoring and policy dialogue.
Butare focuses on a small area of various urban centers of attraction: the mall, missions and administration. It is therefore with a capacity of clean development and favorable elements for the development of the market. Its functions will be some attraction for the surrounding rural hills. The latter will gradually evolve their economic system in contact Butare center. The local market of 63,000 people to be fed, entertain and host, how can he be satisfied?The proliferation of outlets in each "urban core", such as the commercial center of Butare city, markets Ngoma Matyazo of Rwanza Kinteko and translated it an extension of the urban fabric or an independent rural phenomenon to the gates do the "city"?The presence of two opposing lifestyles, firstly that of wealthy expatriates and also that of the massesRwandan destitute, can it create an economic space or at least make it evolve? ; Butare concentre sur une petite superficie divers pôles d'attraction urbaine : le centre commercial, les missions et l'administration. Elle est donc dotée d'une capacité d'évolution propre et des éléments favorables au développement du marché. Ses fonctions seront une attraction certaine pour les collines rurales environnantes. Ces dernières vont progressivement faire évoluer leur système économique au contact de Butare-centre. Ce marché local de 63 000 habitants qu'il faut nourrir, distraire et héberger, comment peut-il être satisfait ? La multiplication des points de vente dans chaque "noyau urbain", tels que le centre commercial de Butare-city, les marchés de Ngoma, de Matyazo, de Rwanza et de Kinteko, traduit-elle une extension du tissu urbain ou un phénomène rural indépendant jusqu'aux portes do la "city" ? La présence de deux modes de vie opposés, d'une part celui des expatriés fortunés et d'autre part celui des masses rwandaises miséreuses, peut-elle créer un espace économique ou, du moins, le faire évoluer ?
Rwanda's growth rates during the past few years exceeded the growth rates of developing countries, except for in 2013 when Rwanda's growth decelerated to 4.7 percent. Among the 181 economies where 2014 gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate data is available, Rwanda's growth rate of 7.0 percent is more than twice as high as the average of the 181 economies (3.2 percent), and is ranked 20th globally. Going forward, Rwanda's growth rates are projected to exceed global growth rates in 2015-2017. This edition focuses on jobs in particular the employment dynamics of the past decade.
There's been much discussion and analysis concerning Home Secretary Priti Patel's declaration that, in future some refugees arriving in this country, having crossed the English Channel and seeking asylum, will be sent to Rwanda to be permanently resettled there. Given how controversial this plan is, it's unsurprising that it has attracted widespread opprobrium.
This edition's forecast of Rwanda's economic growth for 2019 is revised upward from the 7.8 percent projected in the REU14 to 8.5 percent. The stronger growth is driven mostly by the unexpected magnitude of the fiscal expansion. Medium-term growth also looks strong with annualgrowth projected to be about 8 percent. Although the current public investment push will continuein the medium-term, this issue's high growth scenario assumes that the role of the private sector in investment will grow; public investments alone may not sustain growth at 8 percent over themedium-term. The medium-term outlook assumes that debt will accumulate faster than was projected in REU14. The primary explanation is the large fiscal expansion of 2019. Fiscal deficit for 2020 will continue to be well above the historical average. Despite the increasing indebtedness, reliance on concessional financing will help keep Rwanda's debt sustainable. In the medium term, the CAD will again stay high, hitting 10 percent of GDP. Monetary policy will remain accommodative, although with the return of inflation to the "normal" range and continuing pressures on the exchange rate and reserves, the policy space has narrowed. The risks to Rwanda's economic outlook, both domestic and external, have risen. The main risk is the growing reliance on public-sectored investments. Fiscal expansion to achieve the government's targets for expanding access to infrastructure raises the debt, widens external imbalances, and may crowd out access of the private sector to finance, thus undermining long-term growth. If the reliance on the public sector persists, Rwanda may have difficulties in financing its growth model. Rwanda's commitment toconcessional borrowing and monetary stability reduces the risks to macroeconomic stability, but overall fiscal risks has gone up because of the reliance on the public sector for achieving NST1growth targets. Despite continuing efforts, the ineffectiveness of the private sector remains a major risk to Rwanda's growth outlook--growth projections for the medium to long term depend on the ability of the private sector to take the lead. As the fiscal expansion for NST1 subsides in the medium term, it will become increasingly difficult to keep the growth rate at 8 percent without increased private sector investment. Now, to achieve sustainable and productivity-led growth, attention must turn to improving allocation of economic resources through better market functioning.
The last poverty assessment for Rwanda was conducted in 1997. Three years after the genocide, the country was characterized by deep and widespread poverty, rock-bottom health indicators, and pervasive hunger and food insecurity. In real terms, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was lower than it had been in 1960. In real terms, the economy quadrupled between 1995 and 2013. Enrolment in primary school is near universal and infant and child mortality are among the lowest in Africa. A large part of the population, including the extreme poor, is covered by public health insurance. This poverty assessment focuses on the evolution of poverty and other social indicators over the past decade (2000-1 and 2010-11). Using data from a variety of sources, mainly the three household living standards surveys (EICV) and the three demographic and health surveys (DHS) conducted during the past decade, the poverty assessment documents trends in monetary and non-monetary dimensions of living standards and examines the drivers of observed trends. The aim of the poverty assessment is to provide policy makers and development partners with information and analysis that can be used to improve the effectiveness of their poverty reduction and social programs.
Reshaping Urbanization in Rwanda: Economic and Spatial Trends and Proposals is an Advisory Services and Analytics (ASA), jointly provided by the Poverty and Equity Global Practice and the Social, Urban, Rural and Resilience Global Practice at the World Bank. The objective of this report is to inform the Government's policies and strategies on urbanization as a driver of economic development, job creation, and poverty reduction, through the following four stand‐alone but closely related notes. Stimulating urban economic development, particularly outside the capital city of Kigali, is critical to helping Rwanda to achieve its strategic objective of a 35 percent urban population share by 2020. This note looks at the current growth rates and characteristics of secondary cities1 and other fast‐growing towns outside of Kigali, and assesses the opportunities and prospects for, as well as constraints upon, future economic growth and development. It also sets out key actions required from the Government of Rwanda (GoR) tohelp stimulate growth in these cities and towns. There are multiple population estimates for secondary cities and fast‐growing towns due to the inconsistencies in defining which areas are urban and in defining city boundaries, and thus which sectors to include in estimates of city populations. According to the 2002 and 2012 censuses, the six secondary cities grew at an average rate of 3.3 percent over this period, slower than the national rate of urban growth of 4.1 percent and the rate for Kigali of 4.2 percent. In comparison, the three fast‐growing towns are estimated to have grown at a rate of 5.3 percent, albeit from a lower starting base, between 2002 and 2012. Of the secondary cities, Musanze, Rubavu and Nyagatare are growing most rapidly. The Musanze to Rubavu corridor benefits from (i) the rich agricultural resources along this corridor, and (ii) Rubavu's proximity to the large market of Goma in DRC. Nyagatare has absorbed significant investment in recent years, and has also benefitted from the high levels of migration to the East of the country witnessed by the most recent inter‐censual period. This is reflected in the findings of Note 2 which identifies internal migration toward the Eastern Province.
Since the culmination of the Genocide of 1994, Rwanda has become one of the fastest growing economies in the world, while also showing great improvements on human development indicators. This has made Rwanda a brilliant example of post-conflict reconstruction. At the same time, the nation-state has been led by a single party government that works under a framework of a nominal multi-party democracy. While a large part of Rwanda's post-conflict development has been made possible by the government in power, this paper argues that Rwanda is developing towards a completely authoritarian state structure. Development is concentrated in very few regions of the country, votes are occasionally rigged, large amount of power is concentrated in a few hands, and there is a constant war that is partly sponsored by Rwanda. All of these factors have a central figure above them: President Paul Kagame. While the West continues to praise Rwanda for the remarkable strides it has made on human development indicators and in liberalising its economy, it fails to ignore the many serious issues that plague the nation-state. Rwanda's story of development cannot be sustained if structural changes are not implemented in Rwanda in the near future.
This report discusses the current political conditions of Rwanda, including a brief historical overview. The report also includes information about the poor human rights conditions in Rwanda and U.S. Rwanda relations.
Introduction: Poor quality health care is a serious silent public health problem worldwide, resulting in deaths, disabilities and long hospital stays with unnecessary costs. It affects patients in all countries regardless of their level of development. Estimations show that 64 million disability-adjusted life years are lost yearly worldwide due to unsafe health care, and this phenomenon is one of the top 10 causes of mortality and disability in the world. Four out of 10 patients are harmed while getting health care in primary and outpatient health care services. Most of this unsafe care is due to errors in diagnosis, prescriptions and use of medicines. Better management of patients could be accomplished with clearer diagnostics. Clinical laboratories play a central role in the quality of health care when they provide accurate and reliable test results for timely and evidence-based diagnostic for management of patients, surveillance and control of diseases. The aim of this dissertation was to study the quality of clinical laboratory services in Rwanda to contribute to the health care quality in Rwanda and other similar settings. Methods: This dissertation is built on studies that used mainly primary data collected at five clinical referral laboratories and related hospitals (Papers I–III). To assess the quality performance of laboratories, the World Health Organization (WHO) Stepwise Laboratory Improvement Process Towards Accreditation (SLIPTA) checklist was used to score laboratories and to analyse the trend in quality performance (Paper I). The factors explaining the status of quality performance of laboratories were explored by using qualitative data, namely key informant interviews with thematic analysis (Paper II). Physicians' satisfaction with laboratory services was assessed by using a structured questionnaire with a Likert scale and an open-ended question. All eligible physicians from four referral hospitals (N = 507) were invited to participate in the study (Paper III) and 91% provided their feedback. Descriptive statistics and ordered logistic regression were performed and qualitative data were analysed with a thematic approach. To identify pathogenic viruses circulating in Rwanda with no available diagnosis, we sampled 11 health centres for febrile patients with acute infections whose malaria test result was negative (n = 2313). Selected arboviruses were analysed from blood samples by using polymerase chain reaction (Paper IV). Results and Discussion: In 2017, only one referral laboratory scored at the highest level, five stars, which was an increase from four stars in 2012. The other four laboratories had decreased in quality performance. The factors explaining this decrease were mainly insufficient coordination to ensure continuous quality improvement as well as lack of mentorship and regular external assessment of laboratory to identify and address gaps. Only 36% of physicians were satisfied with laboratory services in referral hospitals. Seventy per cent were satisfied with the reliability of test results, while only 19% were satisfied with the turnaround time, and improved virus diagnostics was sought. In general, paediatricians, internists and more experienced physicians were less satisfied. Over 2000 samples from acute, febrile patients were sampled in 11 health centres from different provinces of Rwanda and are now stored in a unique biobank for future analysis. The results so far show that o'nyong-nyong and Zika viruses are circulating in Rwanda. Conclusion: Despite the improvement in quality performance with the Strengthening Laboratory Management Toward Accreditation (SLMTA) programme, most laboratories showed decreased performance in their follow-up assessments compared with their exit assessment. Resuming external assessments as well as investing in leadership and planning would lead to high-quality laboratory performance, even reaching international accreditation. For sustainability, the SLMTA programme should be institutionalised, the laboratory quality management system should be integrated into the education of laboratory staff and in continuous professional development training. Extended diagnostics for infectious diseases should be considered. The achievement of quality health care, universal health coverage and global health security are not possible without quality laboratory services that guide the pathway through accurate and reliable tests results.
Doing business 2020 is the 17th in a series of annual studies investigating the regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. Doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies - from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe - and over time. Regulations affecting 12 areas of the life of a business are covered: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, employing workers, and contracting with the government. The employing workers and contracting with the government indicator sets are not included in this year's ranking on the ease of doing business. Data in doing business 2020 are current as of May 1, 2019. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms of business regulation have worked, where, and why. This economy profile presents indicators for Rwanda for 2020, Rwanda ranks 38.
This research seeks to provide an understanding of the Economic Diplomacy Program (EcoDiplo) in Rwanda including but not limited to why it is necessary, what it will deliver, and how it will be delivered. Why need an Economic Diplomacy Program? The Government of Rwanda (GoR) has a clear vision: to become an Upper-Middle-Income country by 2035 and a High-Income Country by 2050 . For this, it targets over 9% GDP/capita growth until 2050 necessitating 17% annual export growth to 2035 and 2X growth in private savings and investment by 2025 and 3X by 20351. The NST1 indicates that this growth will be driven by trade and investment; hence Rwanda needs to have an efficient trade and investment strategy. The implementation of the actions that lead to these targets is scattered across many players. When these actions are not linked or coordinated, efficiency suffers and there is a redundant use of human and financial resources.
This thesis argues that the different reactions of the population and rival elites to executive attempts to extend term limits in Rwanda and Burundi reflect the different ways civil wars ended in these two countries. In Rwanda, a military victory resulted in institutions that placed less constraint on the ruling party, while in Burundi, a negotiated settlement placed comparatively greater constraints on the ruling party. As a result, the major party in Rwanda was more powerful than the major power in Burundi, and thus more capable to co-opt or coerce the opposition. This paper uses a most-similar case design to test the hypothesis that civil wars that end in negotiated settlements are more likely to become unstable than a civil war that ends in a military victory when executives attempt to extend their term limits and finds that the civil war outcome was instrumental in explaining the divergent reactions in both countries. This paper has important implications for those interested in post-conflict situations and executive term-limit extensions. ; 2017-12-01 ; B.A. ; College of Sciences, Political Science ; Bachelors ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
