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In 1870, political science was established as an academic discipline, attached to history, at the Lund University. In 1877, a chair in history and political science was created. Twenty-five years later, it was transformed into a chair in political science and statistics. In 1926, that symbiosis was put to an end and political science was awarded a chair of its own. Pontus Fahlbeck, professor from 1889 to 1917, was a historian who developed into a social scientist with broad interests: political science, statistics, economics, and sociology. Several of his books were also published in foreign languages and he had many contacts with colleagues abroad, particularly in France and Germany. However, the critical period in the modernization of political science in Lund happened just after the middle of the 20th century, with Nils Stjernquist, holding the chair from 1951 to 1983, at helm. The dependence of history and legal science waned; the influence of social science, especially in its American version, increased. The result was a modern political science department with broad interests and worldwide contacts. References.

Recent advances in game theory and experimental social science provide insights for the study of corruption and abuse of power in local politics. We survey the evidence from theoretical and experimental research and illustrate findings and problems with two examples from a survey among local politicians and officials in Sweden. The most simplified theoretical models, such as the prisoner's dilemma, fail to capture the distinction between group loyal behavior at different levels. There are several grey zones between pro-social behavior and corruption. These grey zones can be considered corruption danger zones. While Sweden is typically seen as a non-corrupt society, there are several situations where local politicians and officials must make choices in these corruption danger zones. Both formal institutions and informal norms influence these choices, and the views among politicians can vary substantially regarding what behavior is considered acceptable. Communication, openness and public debate can help the fight against corruption. Adapted from the source document.

I "Folkhemmets styvbarn. Humanioras legitimitet i svensk kunskapspolitik 1935-1980" tecknar Hampus Östh Gustafsson en ny bild av humanioras historia i Sverige. Genom att anlägga ett brett perspektiv på kunskapspolitiken 1935-1980 visar han hur humanioras legitimitet i välfärdssamhället utmanades redan på ett tidigt stadium - långt före 1960- och 70-talens vänsterradikalisering och den nyliberala vågen mot seklets slut. Mot bakgrund av en legitimitetsregim präglad av ideal om rationell planering och demokratiska jämlikhetskrav framstod humanisterna som marginaliserade och på kollisionskurs med 1900-talets stora historiska berättelser och framtidsvisioner. Jämfört med andra vetenskaps­områden som samhällsvetenskap och teknik blev det oklart vad som utgjorde humanioras konkreta bidrag till det progressiva välfärdsprojektet. I återkommande debatter kom de humanistiska ämnena att utmålas som traditionalistiska lyxföreteelser, och med tiden utvecklades en krisdiskurs som humaniora än idag inte lyckats frigöra sig från. Ett av de vanligaste argumenten till humanioras försvar idag - att ämnena spelar en oumbärlig roll för demokratin i förening med den så kallade kritiska rollen - visar sig problematiskt att applicera bakåt i tid. Först mot slutet av den period som undersöks lyckades svenska humanister tydligt formulera sådana positioner genom att aktivt bejaka den marginalisering som dåtida aktörer fann exceptionell i Sverige jämfört med andra länder. Humaniora hade då redan länge befunnit sig på undantag i den svenska kunskapspolitiken. Hampus Östh Gustafsson är verksam vid Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, Uppsala universitet. "Folkhemmets styvbarn" är hans doktorsavhandling

"Nature", "environment" and social theory -- The role of the environment historically within social theory -- The uses of "nature" and the nonhuman world in social theory : pre-enlightenment and enlightenment accounts -- Twentieth-century social theory and the nonhuman world -- Right-wing reactions to the environment and environmental politics -- Left-wing reactions to the environment and environmental politics -- Gender, the nonhuman world and social thought -- The environment and economic thought -- Risk, environment and postmodernism -- Ecology, biology and social theory -- Greening social theory

This book explores the interplay between government and media drawing on unique evidence from, and in-depth analysis of, four national cases: Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden. Based on the chapters dedicated to each country, five additional chapters address the following cross-national themes: government communication, social media, formality/informality in journalist-source relations, mediatisation of politics, and political communication culture. The book reveals what really goes on between the political executive and the media in everyday practices within these countries. First, it uncovers a process of mediated political-cultural change within media-political systems. Second, it illustrates the work- ings of prime ministerial power and communication aides at this apex of political power and the media and those who work there. Third, it examines both the struggle within governing institutions to control the flow of information and the tensions between civil servants and political aides, and takes the reader through the four media-political con- texts rooted in a deep knowledge of these relationships. The result is an illuminating and original analysis of politics, political communication, media and journalism, and offers greater understanding of the realities of government and democracy and media in practice as well as the role of media within contemporary politics