Ilus. Tab. Bib. Sum. (En) ; Secondary forests developing on agricultural land after it is abandoned, or as the fallow period in systems of subsistence agriculture, are an increasingly important component of the forest resources of the tropics. They fix and store carbon and may contribute to the alleviation of global warming, they are refuges for biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, and they are low-cost sources of a tremendous variety of forest products. The final years of the 20th century represent an opportune time to bring together researchers concerned with biological, ecological, social/organizational, financial/economic and political aspects of secondary forests and their management, to share their experiences and opinions concerning secondary tropical forests and to contribute to the development of a forward-looking, cross-disciplinary research agenda. The conference had the following objectives: 1) to summarize the state of knowledge of tropical secondary forests from the standpoint of the ecological, social and political sciences. 2) to report the most recent results of research on secondary forests from all relevant disciplines.
O artigo problematiza criticamente o debate sobre o conceito de "terceiro setor", apartir não do que é chamado "terceiro setor", mas das reformas mais gerais operadassob a hegemonia do grande capital, particularmente o financeiro. Procura-secaracterizar a origem setorializadora desse termo que, de um lado, impede uma visãode totalidade e, portanto, deita por terra a perspectiva de transformação social; e, deoutro, determina sua clara funcionalidade ao projeto hegemônico de reestruturação docapital que, orientado nos postulados neoliberais, mistifica a sociedade civil, desarticulae apazigua as lutas sociais, além de propiciar maior aceitação à reforma do Estado,particularmente no que refere à Seguridade Social e à responsabilidade estatal naresposta à "questão social" como direito de cidadania. ; This article critically problematizes the debate on the concept of the "thirdsector," departing not from the fact that it is called the "third sector," butfrom the more general reforms undertaken under the hegemony of big capital,particularly financial capital. It tries to characterize the sectoralized origin ofthat term, which, on the one hand, impedes a vision of the totality and, as aresult, undercuts a socially transformative perspective and, on the other hand,determines its clear functionality for the hegemonic project of capitalrestructuring. This project, oriented by neoliberal postulates, mystifies civilsociety and disarticulates and pacifies social struggles, at the same time that itpromotes a greater acceptance of state reform, particularly with regard tosocial security and the state's responsibility to treat the "social question" as aright of citizenship.
With the Cold War over, a lasting new world order seemed to establish itself,under the hegemony of a single planetary superpower. Within a short span oftime, this order showed itself to be rather precarious, despite the recurringaffirmations of American politico-military supremacy. The new socialstruggles have had a decisive role in producing and giving visibility to thiscrisis of hegemony. To what extent have their advances been compromised bythe political impact of the September 11, 2001 attacks? To put in another way,is the new conjuncture favorable to the recomposition of American hegemony? The present article is an attempt to contribution to the study ofthe nexus between social struggles and international relations in this turbulent beginning of the millennium. ; Encerrada a Guerra-Fria, pareceu se instalar uma duradoura nova ordem mundial sob ahegemonia da única superpotência planetária. Em pouco tempo, este ordenamento serevelou bastante precário, apesar da recorrente afirmação de supremacia políticomilitarnorte-americana. As novas lutas sociais desempenharam papel decisivo para aprodução e visibilidade desta crise de hegemonia. Em que medida, seus avançosficaram comprometidos pelos impactos políticos dos atentados de 11 de setembro de2001? Inversamente, a nova conjuntura é favorável à recomposição da hegemonianorte-americana? O presente artigo é um esboço de contribuição para o exame dosnexos entre lutas sociais e relações internacionais neste turbulento início de milênio.
Este artigo apresenta o resultado preliminar de uma pesquisa em curso que tem como uma das suas preocupações o conflito entre a produção capitalista da cidade e a demanda popular por habitação na cidade de São Paulo e suas repercussões Região Metropolitana . ; Working from a Marxist perspective, this article examines the relationshipbetween "class" and "community" in urban areas. It argues that thesecategories cannot be lumped together. Thus, what emerges from the analysis,is a permanent conflict in which these categories affect each other mutually,but in which neither can be eliminated.
El presente texto es una síntesis de ponencias e intervenciones que he realizado sobreel tema en los últimos tiempos, y como tal fue leída en el acto de apertura del VIEncuentro Latinoamericano de Revistas Marxistas celebrado en Montevideo enseptiembre del año 2000. Con ello, señalo la valorización del concepto de sociedad civilen la obra de Carlos Marx, donde la tesis del desaparecimiento del Estado coincide conla subsunción de las funciones políticas y administrativas por las organizacionespopulares de la sociedad. ; The present text is a synthesis of talks and comments that I have delivered onthis topic recently. It was presented at the opening ceremony of the SixthLatin American Meeting of Marxist Journals, held in Montevideo inSeptember 2000. I underscore the valorization of the concept of civil societyin Karl Marx's work. The disappearance of the State hypothesized by Marx isaccompanied by the assumption of political and administrative functions bythe popular organizations of society.
Crítica teórico-política às formulações de Perry Anderson (janeiro,2000), em "Renewals", editorial de apresentação do novo formato de New Left Review. Opessimismo que emana do texto de Anderson expressa o atual momento de uma fração intelectual da "nova esquerda" anglo-saxônica, surgida nos anos 60. As análises que o próprio Anderson fez do processo de constituição, no entre-guerras, do "marxismo ocidental" são úteis para o exame da trajetória desta fração cujo principal porta-voz tem sido a própria New Left Review. ; This is a theoretical-political critique of Perry Anderson's arguments in"Renewals," an editorial in the introductory issue of the new version of theNew Left Review . The pessimism that emanates from the text expresses thecontemporary state of an intellectual current within the Anglo-Saxon "newleft," which arose in the 1960s. Anderson's own analyses of the process thatcreated "western Marxism" during the interwar period are useful for studyingthe trajectory of this current, whose principal exponent has been the New LeftReview .
Os autores analisam as lutas sociais na Argentina a partir dos anos 90 até os recentesacontecimentos que derrubaram o governo Fernando De La Rua, em plena vigência doestado de sítio. Ao mesmo tempo sinalizam três etapas dessas lutas: 1993-1997 (augedas mobilizações populares); 1997-1998/9 (desaparecimento da unidade na luta dos trabalhadores); 1999-2001 (nova ascensão das lutas sociais). ; The authors analyze social struggles in Argentina from the 1990s up to the recent events that overthrew the government of Fernando De La Rua in the midst of an officially declared state of siege. They point to three phases ofstruggle: 1993-1997 (peak of popular mobilization); 1997-1998/9(disappearance of unity in worker struggles); 1999-2001 (new upsurge of social struggles).
O propósito deste artigo é repensar, nos marcos teóricos da crítica marxista, os problemas da crise de legitimidade das democracias burguesas, na América Latina nosanos 90, por conta do confronto que os movimentos sociais impõem ao Estado,enquanto representante dos interesses das classes dominantes e elemento fundamental no processo de acumulação de capital. ; The objective of this article is to rethink, from a Marxist theoretical perspective, the legitimacy crises of the bourgeois democracies of LatinAmerica in the 1990s, taking into consideration the confrontation that social movements impose upon the State, in its role as the representative of theinterests of the dominant classes and as a fundamental actor in the process of capital accumulation.
Este artigo busca analisar o impacto provocado pela greve do funcionalismo público francês de novembro/dezembro de 1995 sobre o processo de reforma da previdênciasocial então em curso no Brasil. Seu objetivo específico é verificar a acolhida que o movimento grevista na França encontrou junto a intelectuais e lideranças sindicais brasileiras. Para isso, o texto apresenta, em linhas gerais, o contexto político em que o processo de reforma da previdência se desenrola, bem como os projetos em discussão,a fim de traçar um paralelo entre os dois países em questão. ; This article tries to analyze the impact of the French public employees' strikeof November and December of 1995 on the process of social pension reform that was then taking place in Brazil. Its specific objective is to underscore thepositive response the strike movement received from Brazilian intellectuals and union leaders. The text presents, in a general manner, the political contextin which the process of pension reform developed, as well as the plans under discussion, in order to establish parallels between the two countries in question.
Em meados de 1973, surgiu, no interior das Forças Armadas portuguesas, o Movimento dos Capitães, cujos objetivos eram, no início, apenas sócio-profissionais. Com aRevolução de 25 de abril de 1974, chefiada pelo agora chamado MFA - Movimento dasForças Armadas -, ocorreu a divisão em três correntes.Os oficiais moderados, mais próximos dos socialistas eram, simbolicamente, liderados pelo grupo dos nove (entre eles, o mentor intelectual do programa do MFA, major Melo Antunes). Os "gonçalvistas" defendiam o aprofundamento da revolução numa linha terceiro-mundista ou das chamadas "democracias populares" do Leste Europeu e contaram, por algum tempo, com o apoio dos Partido Comunista Português e do Primeiro-Ministro, coronel Vasco Gonçalves. A terceira vertente do MFA era a dos "copconistas" (do COPCON, Comando Operacional do Continente), liderados por Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, cuja entrevista, de importância histórico-política inestimável, Lutas Sociais tem a satisfação de publicar. ; In mid-1973 the Captains' Movement arose within the Portuguese ArmedvForces. Its objectives were initially merely socio-professional. With the Revolution that occurred on April 25, 1974, led by the newly named Movement of the Armed Forces (MFA), there occurred a division of the movement into three currents. The moderate officers, closest to the socialists,were symbolically led by the group of nine (among them, the intellectual mentor of the MFA program, Maj. Melo Antunes). The "gonçalvistas"defended the deepening of the revolution in line with the thinking of the nona ligned movement or the so-called "popular democracies" of Eastern Europeand had the support, for a time, of the Portuguese Communist Party and thePrime Minister, Col. Vasco Gonçalves. The third current of the MFA was the"copconistas" (their name came from the Continental Operational Command,or COPCON), led by Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho. Lutas Sociais is proud topublish an interview with Saraiva de Carvalho, which is of inestimablehistorical importance.
The article analyses the process of reform in four areas of social policies that affect directly the interests of sub-national governments: basic education, social housing programs, basic sanitation and health. As the study reveals, despite the varying degree of success achieved in the various policy initiatives and contrary to the expectations of the prevailing interpretations of the nature of Brazilian federalism, the federal government faced no insurmountable hurdles in implementing their reform agenda. The study aims at demonstrating that (i) in the absence of any constitutional mandatory requirement, the political autonomy of local governments - typical of federative States - actually enhances the veto power of local governments over policy initiatives proposed by the federal Executive branch. However, (ii) power resources available to the federal Executive branch - such as agenda definition and vetoing powers - in addition to control over resources that are essential to the political survival of the representatives increase the chances of success-of the federal government. Furthermore, (1999), (iii) the constitutional authority of Brazilian states is far more limited than that of the North-American states; (iv) the category federalism, however, is not sufficient to define the potential stability of specific policies, which depends upon how inter-governmental relations are structured in each particular policy. Specifically, (v) constitutional rules, legacies from previous policies and the political cycle frame the decision arenas in various ways, thus conditioning both the strategies and chances of success of the federative players.
Evaluation programs of research institutions began to be established in Europe in the late 70's, concerning the assessment of science and technology activity. In the geoscientific world this enterprise took place in the 1990's, with the implementation of evaluation processes in some national geological surveys (Australian Geological Survey Organization, Geological Survey of Canada, Council for Geoscience - South Africa, Geological Survey of Finland). Among the results of these evaluation/review processes it has been common to recommend the establishment or strengthening of Advisory Councils or Advisory Committees, made up of representatives from industry, academia and governmental agencies. On the trail of the Geological Surveys evaluation process, partnership national geological mapping programs with regional geological surveys, having customers, universities and industry representatives as advisory has also been stimulated. The National Geoscience Mapping Accord in Australia (1990), the National Geoscience Mapping Program in Canada (1991), and National Cooperative Geological Mapping Program in United States (1992) are examples of the government policies in wake of evaluation process. Nevertheless, it is important to say that institutional staff has not accepted evaluation with tranquillity or understood it as an instrument of management. This recent trend of management - making a connection to the customers/users/stakeholders - has been introduced into the Geological Surveys by initiative of government or agencies at high level hierarchy, i. e., from top to bottom, from outside to inside the corporation. ; Evaluation programs of research institutions began to be established in Europe in the late 70's, concerning the assessment of science and technology activity. In the geoscientific world this enterprise took place in the 1990's, with the implementation of evaluation processes in some national geological surveys (Australian Geological Survey Organization, Geological Survey of Canada, Council for Geoscience - South Africa, Geological Survey of Finland). Among the results of these evaluation/review processes it has been common to recommend the establishment or strengthening of Advisory Councils or Advisory Committees, made up of representatives from industry, academia and governmental agencies. On the trail of the Geological Surveys evaluation process, partnership national geological mapping programs with regional geological surveys, having customers, universities and industry representatives as advisory has also been stimulated. The National Geoscience Mapping Accord in Australia (1990), the National Geoscience Mapping Program in Canada (1991), and National Cooperative Geological Mapping Program in United States (1992) are examples of the government policies in wake of evaluation process. Nevertheless, it is important to say that institutional staff has not accepted evaluation with tranquillity or understood it as an instrument of management. This recent trend of management - making a connection to the customers/users/stakeholders - has been introduced into the Geological Surveys by initiative of government or agencies at high level hierarchy, i. e., from top to bottom, from outside to inside the corporation.
The reform of the Social Security system is perhaps the most important item of the agenda of Constitutional reforms in Brazil. Without it, the increase in the (Number of retired people/Number of contributors) ratio will create dramatic fiscal problems in the long term. This article analyzes the evolution of the Social Security expenditures in Brazil during the last 15 years. The focus of the paper is on the composition of expenditures and the trajectory of its real value, with special emphasis on the impact of inflation. After the Real Plan, the possibility that the prices might accomodate the structural pressures for increasing expenditures has practically disappeared. As a consequence, the necessity to reform the retirement system has become more evident. The paper defines a taxonomy of the different proposals of reform, comments on the most relevant issues being discussed within the debate about the Social Security and includes a proposal of reform. This proposal makes only a few changes in legislation and preserves the legal existence of the job time retirement. Nevertheless, it would have a considerable economic impact compared with the preservation of the status quo and would be a more ambitious and more feasible alternative than the one currently being discussed by Congress.
Em 1996, o Brasil empregava mais de 5.000 pesquisadores em tempo integral, e gastava mais de $1 bilhão (em dólares internacionais de 1993) em pesquisa agropecuária; cerca da metade do gasto total em pesquisa agropecuária de toda a América Latina. Grande parte da pesquisa é desenvolvida por organizações públicas; 79 porcento deste total por organizações federais e estaduais e 15 porcento por agências de ensino superior. A Embrapa, empresa criada pelo Governo Federal em 1972, ainda é a organização mais importante de pesquisa do país, sendo responsável por mais de 57 porcento dos investimentos feitos em pesquisa agropecuária em 1996 (um percentual de gastos ligeiramente superior ao obtido em meados dos anos 70). A intensidade com que o Brasil investe em pesquisa agropecuária é alta para os padrões da América Latina e está se tornando comparável às intensidades encontradas em alguns países desenvolvidos. Em 1996, o Brasil investiu $1,70 para cada $100 do PIB agropecuário. Desde 1976, o suporte financeiro para a pesquisa agropecuária tem, em geral, apresentado uma tendência crescente. Todavia, desde meados dos anos 90 o financiamento da Embrapa tem diminuído significativamente – por um lado devido à uma redução dos recursos nominais e por outro aos efeitos da inflação. O mesmo tem ocorrido com muitas organizações estaduais, o que tem resultado em várias extinções e fusões de tais organizações com agências de extensão rural. -- Resumo ; Non-PR ; IFPRI2; GRP1; GRP31; Theme 10; Subtheme 10.2; Pro-poor science and technology policies; ASTI ; ISNAR
The electric power sector is hugely important from an economic, political and social standpoint. The wealth created by this sector represented, on average, 2% of Brazil's GDP in the period from 1998 to 2002. By looking at the financial statements of companies in the sector, one finds a very low rate of investments, but that these firms are still highly indebted. As a result of this debt load and the respective increase in financial expenses, besides the lack of investments, most electricity distributors have been accumulating significant losses. The objective of this study is to examine the way these companies are financing themselves and how the wealth they produce is being distributed to internal and external financial agents. By means of their Value Added Statements (VAS), one can observe that the portion of wealth going to remunerate capital (own and third-party) has gone mainly to external financiers. Our research also shows that in the past three years, electricity distributors have been creating increasing levels of wealth, but the volume of assets necessary for its creation has fallen significantly. ; O setor energético é essencial e um dos mais importantes sob diversos aspectos: econômico, político e social. O valor da riqueza criada por esse setor representou, em média, 2% do PIB nacional no período de 1998 a 2002. Por meio das demonstrações contábeis das empresas desse setor, pode-se constatar que tem havido poucos investimentos e que, ainda assim, tais empresas estão altamente endividadas. Como conseqüência desse endividamento e do respectivo aumento das despesas financeiras, além da falta de investimentos, os resultados têm sido negativos e boa parte das distribuidoras de energia elétrica tem acumulado prejuízos significativos. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar a forma como essas empresas estão se financiando e como a riqueza que elas produzem tem sido distribuída a dois de seus agentes: financiadores internos e externos. Por meio da Demonstração do Valor Adicionado – DVA pôde-se observar que a ...
