Suchergebnisse

Na temelju Sabranih djela I–III (1997) Bonifaca Badrova (Livno, 1896. – Sarajevo, 1974), franjevca i profesora filozofije na Franjevačkoj teologiji u Sarajevu, u radu se obrađuje njegov pristup renesansnoj filozofiji i hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima. Badrov je u trećem dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije (Sarajevo, 1959), koju je namijenio studentima za internu uporabu, uključio i neveliko poglavlje o renesansnoj filozofiji (1450–1600). On nalazi da su specifična filozofska i društvena strujanja na početku Novog vijeka iznjedrila nove, međusobno sasvim disparatne, renesansne filozofske sustave sa samo jednim zajedničkim obilježjem: odbacivanje tomističke filozofije. Prema Badrovu renesansna filozofija ima četiri glavne sastavnice: 1. obnova starih sustava: neoplatonizam, neostoicizam i hedonizam, 2. filozofija prirode, 3. politička filozofija i 4. skepticizam. Badrov hrvatske renesansne mislioce ubraja isključivo u prvu skupinu, dakle među pojedince koji su nastojali obnoviti stare filozofske sustave, i opet – isključivo među one mislioce koji se oslanjanju na Platonovu filozofiju. On smatra da je renesansni platonizam u svojoj bîti zapravo »eklektički neoplatonizam«. Na tragu spoznaje da je antički novoplatonizam eklektički zato što iz Platonovih, ali i drugih teorija probire, prihvaća i primjenjuje ono što mu se čini najprikladnije, gornju Badrovljevu tvrdnju treba razumjeti u smislu da se renesansni platonizam eklektički odnosi prema Platonovim djelima, ali i misaonim dostignućima antičkog novoplatonizma. Ipak, čini se da Badrov ne propituje detaljno izvore i izvornost renesansnog platonizma. Badrov se pojedinačno bavi trima hrvatskim filozofima: Jurjem Dragišićem, Benediktom Benkovićem i Franom Petrićem. Dodatno, o Dragišiću ističe da se bavio logičkim problemima, a da se Benković u pristupu Škotovim djelima koristio Aristotelovim logičkim aparatom. Pišući o Petriću Badrov citira Filipovića koji, pozivajući se na Überwegov Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, tvrdi da je Petrić preteča i učitelj Giordana Bruna te da je utjecao na Bernardina Telesija. U kasnijim izdanjima Überwega naprotiv nalazimo da Brunov odnos prema suvremenicima nije dovoljno jasan i da se Petrić naslanja na Telesija u nekim svojim stavovima. Nadalje, Badrov o Petriću tvrdi da pobija Aristotelovu filozofiju i drži platonizam bližim kršćanskoj misli te u osnovnim potezima iznosi Petrićev nauk o svjetlu: ono je nematerijalna supstancija, samoegzistentno i sveprisutno, prvotni uzrok i princip svih stvari. Dalje, zbog stava o prostoru kao onom koji je postojao prije svijeta, neovisno o stvarima, Badrov Petrića smješta među mislioce koji imaju ultrarealističko mišljenje o prostoru. Načelno, takvi mislioci prostor poimaju kao neku apsolutnu i beskonačnu realnost, različitu od svih drugih tjelesnih realnosti, a za Petrića on je čak počelo, prvo od njegovih četiriju počela tvarnoga svijeta. Pri izradi svojih najopsežnijih skripata Povijest filozofije Badrov se, kako dokumentira njegov popis literature, oslonio na 17 djela iz povijesti filozofije tiskanih u 20. stoljeću, a u prikazu o hrvatskim renesansnim misliocima u mnogome na Filipovićevu Filozofiju Renesanse (1956). S obzirom na kratko izvješće o Petriću, nije utvrđen utjecaj Bazaline Povijesti filozofije, a Šanc u drugom dijelu svoje Povijesti filozofije hrvatske renesansne filozofe ionako ne spominje. ; Based on Sabrana djela [Collected Works] I–III (1997) of Franciscan Bonifac Badrov (Livno, 1896 – Sarajevo, 1974), professor of philosophy at Franciscan Theology in Sarajevo, the paper examines his approach to Renaissance philosophy and Croatian thinkers of this period. In the third part of Badrov's Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1959), which he wrote for the students' internal use, he also included a small chapter on Renaissance philosophy (1450–1600). He finds that specific philosophical and social mainstreams of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries gave way to new, mutually disparate Renaissance philosophical systems sharing a single common feature: rejection of Thomistic philosophy. According to Badrov, Renaissance philosophy has four main components: 1. revival of old systems: Neoplatonism, Neostoicism and hedonism; 2. natural philosophy; 3. political philosophy; 4. Renaissance scepticism. Croatian thinkers of the Renaissance, Badrov holds, fall exclusively within the first group, that is, among those who worked on the revival of old philosophical systems, or more precisely, among the philosophers who leaned on Plato's philosophy only. In its essence, he views Renaissance Platonism as eclectic Neoplatonism. Grounded on the understanding that Neoplatonism of the Antiquity was eclectic because from the theories of Plato and others it selected, accepted and applied what it considered to be most appropriate, Badrov's statement should be understood in the sense that Renaissance Platonism had an eclectic approach to Plato's works, but also to philosophical achievements of the classical Neoplatonism. However, it seems that Badrov's analysis of the sources and originality of the Renaissance Platonism lacks depth. The philosophers that Badrov treats individually are Juraj Dragišić, Benedikt Benković and Frane Petrić. In addition, he emphasizes that Dragišić devoted himself to logical problems, and that Benković in his approach to Duns Scotus' works used Aristotle's logical apparatus. While writing on Petrić, Badrov paraphrases Filipović's Filozofija Renesanse [Renaissance Philosophy] (1956): »Überweg considers Petrić to be the forerunner and teacher of Giordano Bruno. He also influenced another Renaissance philosopher, Bernardino Telesio.« In the later editions of Überweg's Geschichte der Philosophy, by contrast, we find that Bruno's relationship to Petrić lacks clarity and that Petrić leans on Telesio in some of his views. Badrov states that Petrić refutes Aristotle's philosophy and holds Platonism to be closer to Christian thought. The Sarajevo professor outlines Petrić's doctrine on light. Further, on account of Petrić's view of space as that which exists before the world, regardless of all things, Badrov places the philosopher of Cres among the thinkers who share an ultrarealistic view of space. Mainly, these philosophers understand space as some kind of an absolute and infinite reality, different from all other bodily realities, while for Petrić it is even a principle, the first of his four principles of the material world. While preparing his most extensive manual Povijest filozofije, Badrov, as documented in his bibliography, drew from 17 works of the history of philosophy: three Zagreb editions (Albert Bazala, Franjo Šanc and Vladimir Dvorniković), five Belgrade editions (Borislav Lorenc, Branislav Petronijević, Dragan Jeremić and Bertrand Russell), six German and three French. All these books were published in the course of the twentieth century. Being too short and general, Badrov's outline of Petrić offers sparse information for the establishment of any connection with Bazala's statements on Petrić published in the second volume of Bazala's Povjest filozofije [History of Philosophy] (1909). Šanc, however, in the second part of his Povijest filozofije [History of Philosophy] makes no reference to Croatian philosophers of the Renaissance.

Life and death in the daily: reflections with the professional of health was written with the purpose of contribute with the project of the State Politics of Humanization of the assistance and of the Health Management of the State of the Ceará, that defines in your guidelines " to provide the appropriate preparation to the experience of losses, of suffering, of dying and of the death ". The work is organized in thematic about of the senses of the death and of dying in the occident. It presents four chapters that talk about the life and the death in a valuable contribution about the understanding of the death as indispensable part of the life and your inclusion in the cares offered by the professionals of the health. The authors provoke in a competent and sensitive way the rethinking about the subjects of the death and of the dying, starting from the reality lived by the professionals. They put in evidence an indispensable theme for taking care humanized in the practices of health and not give the reference to the patients and your relatives, which in some way share with the professionals of the process of taking care. The first chapter: the death and the dying in the life and your senses, contains teachings retired of the poets that through your music and poems portray the death in the most different ways, but recognizes it as part of the life in your fullness. They present an abbreviation revision about the death´s history, the transformations happened along of the time and your several meanings. Concluding the chapter the authors reminds the fact that the man is the only animal that knows that will die and this conscience provokes fear and solitude feelings. They also portray importants subjects as the aging, the losses and your implications, that are going happening along the life, and last they talk about the science´s power, that tries to postpone the death considering that in this moment the biggest part of die´s process is the professional's of the health responsibility.The second chapter: the professional of the health before the death, treats of the professional's unpreparedness, it presents some basic concepts as euthanasia, medical futility, to discuss to subjects of the emotion, of sense of the life and of the death for each person, of the need of moments for that the professionals can to reflect on the own death. To think in the own death means to reflect about the life as not as a group of vital signs that have to be monitored. The reading invites us to consider the death as not as enemy, but as a complement of the life, in that life and death form the totality of being. The third chapter: the appeal to the re-humanization of the death. The authors reflect about the technological progress of the Medicine that at every cost tries the prolongation of the life and that not always those actions are accompanied of help for a good death. They point out, in this context, the solitude, the impersonal and the inhumanization of the Being that is dying. In this same chapter is discussed still the relevance of the palliative cares and the twelve beginnings for a good death published in England.>In the fourth chapter, practical application: like this in the life as in the death, the authors propose a series of practical activities for be developed in groups, with the objective of to sensitize the professionals to share, in wheels of chats in the services of health about the life and the death. The organization of this activities is in the workshop format meddled by appreciation of poems, music and support texts.In the final considerations the prominence is given for the fact that the most important seems to be a solidary attitude together to the Being that is dying. Besides, the authors also consider important the invigoration of the Public Politics and the consolidation of the Palliative Cares.It is treat of a work with clear style, objective, easy reading, that maintains us in the expectation of reaching the end. We recommend the reading of this book is recommended to the teachers of the courses of the health, professionals of health, students, as well as for people that are interested in enlarging knowledge about the subjects of the death and of the dying. ; La vida y muerte en el periódico: las reflexiones con el profesional de la salud fue escrito con el propósito de contribuir con el proyecto de la Política Estatal de Humanización de la Atención y de la Gestión en la Salud del Estado del Ceará, que define en sus directrices "proporcionar la preparación apropiada a la vivencia de pérdidas, de sufrimiento, de el morir y de la muerte."La obra es organizada en temáticas sobre los sentidos de la muerte y de el morir en el occidente. Presenta cuatro capítulos que abordan cuestiones sobre la vida y la muerte en una valiosa contribución sobre la comprensión de la muerte como la parte imprescindible de la vida y su inclusión en los cuidados dados por los profesionales de la salud. Los autores provocan de una manera competente y sensible o repensar sobre las cuestiones de la muerte y de el morir, a partir de la realidad vivieron por los profesionales. Ponen en la evidencia un tema imprescindible para el cuidar humanizado en las prácticas de salud y no si da la referencia a los pacientes y sus parientes que en alguna manera comparten con los profesionales del proceso de cuidar.El primer capítulo: la muerte y el morir en la vida y sus sentidos contiene las enseñanzas retirados de los poetas que a través de sus músicas y los poemas retratan la muerte de las más diferentes maneras, pero a reconoce con la parte de la vida en su plenitud. Presentan una breve revisión sobre la historia de la muerte, las transformaciones pasaron a lo largo del tiempo y sus varios significados. Concluyendo el capítulo los autores recuerda el hecho que el hombre es que el único animal que sabe cuando se morirá y esa conciencia provoca sentimientos de miedo y soledad. Retratan también asuntos importantes como el envejecimiento, las pérdidas y sus implicaciones, que van pasando a lo largo de la vida, y último abordan el poder de la ciencia, que intenta posponer la muerte considerando que en este momento la mayoría del proceso del morir es responsabilidad el profesional de la de salud.El segundo capítulo: el profesional de la salud enfrente de la muerte trata de el desarreglo de los profesionales, presenta algunos conceptos básicos como la eutanasia, el distanasia, para discutir los asuntos de la emoción, del sentido de vida y muerte para cada persona, de la necesidad de momentos para que los profesionales puedan reflejar sobre la propia muerte. Pensar en la propia muerte significa reflejar sobre la vida no como un conjunto de señales vitales que se debe supervisar. Considerar la muerte no come al enemigo, pero como un complemento de la vida. La vida y la muerte forman la totalidad del ser.El tercer capítulo: la apelación para la re-humanización de la muerte. Los autores reflejan sobre el progreso tecnológico de la Medicina que a todo costo los intentan la prolongación de la vida y que no siempre esas acciones se acompañan de ayuda por una buena muerte. Resaltan la soledad, la impessoalidad y el deshumanización de el Ser que está muriendo. Presentan la relevancia de los cuidados paliativos y los doce principios para una buena muerte publicados en Inglaterra.En el cuarto capítulo, la aplicación práctica: así en la vida como en la muerte, los autores proponen una serie de actividades prácticas para sean desarrolladas en los grupos, con el objetivo de sensibilizar los profesionales a compartir, en las ruedas de conversas en los servicios de salud sobre la vida y la muerte. Los talleres son organizados con la apreciación de poemas, música y textos de apoyo.En las consideraciones últimas los autores creen que el más importante parece ser una actitud solidaria junto al Ser que está muriendo. Considera ser importante también al fortalecimiento de las Políticas Públicas y la consolidación de los Cuidados Paliativos.Se trata de una obra con el estilo claro, objetivo, fácil lectura, mantiene la expectativa de alcanzar a lo fin. Se recomienda la lectura de este libro a los maestros de los cursos de la salud, a los profesionales de salud, a los estudiantes. Es recomendado también para las personas se interesen en agrandar el conocimientos sobre los asuntos de la muerte y de el morir. ; Vida e morte no cotidiano: reflexões com o profissional da saúde foi escrito com a finalidade de contribuir com o projeto da Política Estadual de Humanização da Atenção e da Gestão em Saúde do Estado do Ceará, que define em suas diretrizes "proporcionar a preparação adequada à vivência de perdas, de sofrimento, do morrer e da morte."A obra está organizada em temáticas sobre os sentidos da morte e do morrer no ocidente. Apresenta quatro capítulos que versam sobre a vida e a morte numa valiosa contribuição sobre a compreensão da morte como parte imprescindível da vida e sua inclusão nos cuidados prestados pelos profissionais da saúde. Os autores provocam de forma competente e sensível o repensar sobre as questões da morte e do morrer, a partir da realidade vivida pelos profissionais, colocando em evidência um tema imprescindível para cuidá-lo humanizado nas práticas de saúde e não se da referência aos pacientes e seus familiares, que de alguma forma compartilham com os profissionais do processo de cuidar.O primeiro capítulo: a morte e o morrer na vida e os seus sentidos, contém ensinamentos retirados dos poetas que por meio de suas músicas e poemas retratam a morte das mais diferentes formas, mas a reconhece como parte da vida em sua plenitude. Estes apresentam uma breve revisão sobre a história da morte, as transformações ocorridas ao longo do tempo e seus diversos significados. Finalizando o capítulo os autores lembram o fato de que o homem é o único animal que sabe que vai morrer e essa consciência provoca sentimentos de medo e solidão. Retratam também questões importantes como o envelhecimento, as perdas e suas implicações, que vão ocorrendo ao longo da vida, e por último abordam o poder da ciência, que a todo custo tenta adiar a morte considerando que neste momento a maior parte do processo de morrer é responsabilidade do profissional da saúde.O segundo capítulo: o profissional da saúde diante da morte trata do despreparo dos profissionais, apresentando alguns conceitos básicos como eutanásia, distanásia para discutir a questões da emoção, do sentido de vida e morte para cada pessoa, da necessidade de momentos para que os profissionais possam refletir sobre a própria morte. Pensar a própria morte significa refletir sobre a vida não como um conjunto de sinais vitais que se deve monitorar. A leitura nos convida a ponderar a morte não como inimiga, mas como um complemento da vida, em que vida e morte formam a totalidade do Ser.No terceiro capítulo: apelo à re-humanização da morte, os autores refletem sobre o avanço tecnológico da Medicina que a todo custo tentam o prolongamento da vida e que nem sempre essas ações são acompanhadas de ajuda para uma boa morte. Ressaltam, nesse contexto, a solidão, a impessoalidade e a desumanização do Ser que está morrendo. No referido capítulo é discutida ainda a relevância dos cuidados paliativos e os doze princípios para uma boa morte publicados na Inglaterra.No quarto capítulo, aplicação prática: assim na vida como na morte, os autores propõem uma série de atividades práticas para serem desenvolvidas em grupos, com o objetivo de sensibilizar os profissionais a compartilhar, em rodas de conversas nos serviços de saúde sobre a vida e a morte. A organização de tais atividades é no formato de oficinas mediadas pela apreciação de poemas, músicas e textos de apoio.Nas considerações finais o destaque é dado para o fato de que o mais importante parece ser uma atitude solidária junto ao Ser que está morrendo. Além disso, os autores consideram importantes também, o fortalecimento das Políticas Públicas e a consolidação dos Cuidados Paliativos.Trata-se de uma obra com estilo claro, objetivo, fácil leitura, que nos mantém na expectativa de chegarmos ao fim. Recomendamos a leitura deste livro aos docentes dos cursos da saúde, profissionais de saúde, estudantes, assim como para pessoas que se interessam em ampliar conhecimentos sobre as questões da morte e do morrer.

Life and death in the daily: reflections with the professional of health was written with the purpose of contribute with the project of the State Politics of Humanization of the assistance and of the Health Management of the State of the Ceará, that defines in your guidelines " to provide the appropriate preparation to the experience of losses, of suffering, of dying and of the death ". The work is organized in thematic about of the senses of the death and of dying in the occident. It presents four chapters that talk about the life and the death in a valuable contribution about the understanding of the death as indispensable part of the life and your inclusion in the cares offered by the professionals of the health. The authors provoke in a competent and sensitive way the rethinking about the subjects of the death and of the dying, starting from the reality lived by the professionals. They put in evidence an indispensable theme for taking care humanized in the practices of health and not give the reference to the patients and your relatives, which in some way share with the professionals of the process of taking care. The first chapter: the death and the dying in the life and your senses, contains teachings retired of the poets that through your music and poems portray the death in the most different ways, but recognizes it as part of the life in your fullness. They present an abbreviation revision about the death´s history, the transformations happened along of the time and your several meanings. Concluding the chapter the authors reminds the fact that the man is the only animal that knows that will die and this conscience provokes fear and solitude feelings. They also portray importants subjects as the aging, the losses and your implications, that are going happening along the life, and last they talk about the science´s power, that tries to postpone the death considering that in this moment the biggest part of die´s process is the professional's of the health responsibility.The second chapter: the professional of the health before the death, treats of the professional's unpreparedness, it presents some basic concepts as euthanasia, medical futility, to discuss to subjects of the emotion, of sense of the life and of the death for each person, of the need of moments for that the professionals can to reflect on the own death. To think in the own death means to reflect about the life as not as a group of vital signs that have to be monitored. The reading invites us to consider the death as not as enemy, but as a complement of the life, in that life and death form the totality of being. The third chapter: the appeal to the re-humanization of the death. The authors reflect about the technological progress of the Medicine that at every cost tries the prolongation of the life and that not always those actions are accompanied of help for a good death. They point out, in this context, the solitude, the impersonal and the inhumanization of the Being that is dying. In this same chapter is discussed still the relevance of the palliative cares and the twelve beginnings for a good death published in England.>In the fourth chapter, practical application: like this in the life as in the death, the authors propose a series of practical activities for be developed in groups, with the objective of to sensitize the professionals to share, in wheels of chats in the services of health about the life and the death. The organization of this activities is in the workshop format meddled by appreciation of poems, music and support texts.In the final considerations the prominence is given for the fact that the most important seems to be a solidary attitude together to the Being that is dying. Besides, the authors also consider important the invigoration of the Public Politics and the consolidation of the Palliative Cares.It is treat of a work with clear style, objective, easy reading, that maintains us in the expectation of reaching the end. We recommend the reading of this book is recommended to the teachers of the courses of the health, professionals of health, students, as well as for people that are interested in enlarging knowledge about the subjects of the death and of the dying. ; La vida y muerte en el periódico: las reflexiones con el profesional de la salud fue escrito con el propósito de contribuir con el proyecto de la Política Estatal de Humanización de la Atención y de la Gestión en la Salud del Estado del Ceará, que define en sus directrices "proporcionar la preparación apropiada a la vivencia de pérdidas, de sufrimiento, de el morir y de la muerte."La obra es organizada en temáticas sobre los sentidos de la muerte y de el morir en el occidente. Presenta cuatro capítulos que abordan cuestiones sobre la vida y la muerte en una valiosa contribución sobre la comprensión de la muerte como la parte imprescindible de la vida y su inclusión en los cuidados dados por los profesionales de la salud. Los autores provocan de una manera competente y sensible o repensar sobre las cuestiones de la muerte y de el morir, a partir de la realidad vivieron por los profesionales. Ponen en la evidencia un tema imprescindible para el cuidar humanizado en las prácticas de salud y no si da la referencia a los pacientes y sus parientes que en alguna manera comparten con los profesionales del proceso de cuidar.El primer capítulo: la muerte y el morir en la vida y sus sentidos contiene las enseñanzas retirados de los poetas que a través de sus músicas y los poemas retratan la muerte de las más diferentes maneras, pero a reconoce con la parte de la vida en su plenitud. Presentan una breve revisión sobre la historia de la muerte, las transformaciones pasaron a lo largo del tiempo y sus varios significados. Concluyendo el capítulo los autores recuerda el hecho que el hombre es que el único animal que sabe cuando se morirá y esa conciencia provoca sentimientos de miedo y soledad. Retratan también asuntos importantes como el envejecimiento, las pérdidas y sus implicaciones, que van pasando a lo largo de la vida, y último abordan el poder de la ciencia, que intenta posponer la muerte considerando que en este momento la mayoría del proceso del morir es responsabilidad el profesional de la de salud.El segundo capítulo: el profesional de la salud enfrente de la muerte trata de el desarreglo de los profesionales, presenta algunos conceptos básicos como la eutanasia, el distanasia, para discutir los asuntos de la emoción, del sentido de vida y muerte para cada persona, de la necesidad de momentos para que los profesionales puedan reflejar sobre la propia muerte. Pensar en la propia muerte significa reflejar sobre la vida no como un conjunto de señales vitales que se debe supervisar. Considerar la muerte no come al enemigo, pero como un complemento de la vida. La vida y la muerte forman la totalidad del ser.El tercer capítulo: la apelación para la re-humanización de la muerte. Los autores reflejan sobre el progreso tecnológico de la Medicina que a todo costo los intentan la prolongación de la vida y que no siempre esas acciones se acompañan de ayuda por una buena muerte. Resaltan la soledad, la impessoalidad y el deshumanización de el Ser que está muriendo. Presentan la relevancia de los cuidados paliativos y los doce principios para una buena muerte publicados en Inglaterra.En el cuarto capítulo, la aplicación práctica: así en la vida como en la muerte, los autores proponen una serie de actividades prácticas para sean desarrolladas en los grupos, con el objetivo de sensibilizar los profesionales a compartir, en las ruedas de conversas en los servicios de salud sobre la vida y la muerte. Los talleres son organizados con la apreciación de poemas, música y textos de apoyo.En las consideraciones últimas los autores creen que el más importante parece ser una actitud solidaria junto al Ser que está muriendo. Considera ser importante también al fortalecimiento de las Políticas Públicas y la consolidación de los Cuidados Paliativos.Se trata de una obra con el estilo claro, objetivo, fácil lectura, mantiene la expectativa de alcanzar a lo fin. Se recomienda la lectura de este libro a los maestros de los cursos de la salud, a los profesionales de salud, a los estudiantes. Es recomendado también para las personas se interesen en agrandar el conocimientos sobre los asuntos de la muerte y de el morir. ; Vida e morte no cotidiano: reflexões com o profissional da saúde foi escrito com a finalidade de contribuir com o projeto da Política Estadual de Humanização da Atenção e da Gestão em Saúde do Estado do Ceará, que define em suas diretrizes "proporcionar a preparação adequada à vivência de perdas, de sofrimento, do morrer e da morte."A obra está organizada em temáticas sobre os sentidos da morte e do morrer no ocidente. Apresenta quatro capítulos que versam sobre a vida e a morte numa valiosa contribuição sobre a compreensão da morte como parte imprescindível da vida e sua inclusão nos cuidados prestados pelos profissionais da saúde. Os autores provocam de forma competente e sensível o repensar sobre as questões da morte e do morrer, a partir da realidade vivida pelos profissionais, colocando em evidência um tema imprescindível para cuidá-lo humanizado nas práticas de saúde e não se da referência aos pacientes e seus familiares, que de alguma forma compartilham com os profissionais do processo de cuidar.O primeiro capítulo: a morte e o morrer na vida e os seus sentidos, contém ensinamentos retirados dos poetas que por meio de suas músicas e poemas retratam a morte das mais diferentes formas, mas a reconhece como parte da vida em sua plenitude. Estes apresentam uma breve revisão sobre a história da morte, as transformações ocorridas ao longo do tempo e seus diversos significados. Finalizando o capítulo os autores lembram o fato de que o homem é o único animal que sabe que vai morrer e essa consciência provoca sentimentos de medo e solidão. Retratam também questões importantes como o envelhecimento, as perdas e suas implicações, que vão ocorrendo ao longo da vida, e por último abordam o poder da ciência, que a todo custo tenta adiar a morte considerando que neste momento a maior parte do processo de morrer é responsabilidade do profissional da saúde.O segundo capítulo: o profissional da saúde diante da morte trata do despreparo dos profissionais, apresentando alguns conceitos básicos como eutanásia, distanásia para discutir a questões da emoção, do sentido de vida e morte para cada pessoa, da necessidade de momentos para que os profissionais possam refletir sobre a própria morte. Pensar a própria morte significa refletir sobre a vida não como um conjunto de sinais vitais que se deve monitorar. A leitura nos convida a ponderar a morte não como inimiga, mas como um complemento da vida, em que vida e morte formam a totalidade do Ser.No terceiro capítulo: apelo à re-humanização da morte, os autores refletem sobre o avanço tecnológico da Medicina que a todo custo tentam o prolongamento da vida e que nem sempre essas ações são acompanhadas de ajuda para uma boa morte. Ressaltam, nesse contexto, a solidão, a impessoalidade e a desumanização do Ser que está morrendo. No referido capítulo é discutida ainda a relevância dos cuidados paliativos e os doze princípios para uma boa morte publicados na Inglaterra.No quarto capítulo, aplicação prática: assim na vida como na morte, os autores propõem uma série de atividades práticas para serem desenvolvidas em grupos, com o objetivo de sensibilizar os profissionais a compartilhar, em rodas de conversas nos serviços de saúde sobre a vida e a morte. A organização de tais atividades é no formato de oficinas mediadas pela apreciação de poemas, músicas e textos de apoio.Nas considerações finais o destaque é dado para o fato de que o mais importante parece ser uma atitude solidária junto ao Ser que está morrendo. Além disso, os autores consideram importantes também, o fortalecimento das Políticas Públicas e a consolidação dos Cuidados Paliativos.Trata-se de uma obra com estilo claro, objetivo, fácil leitura, que nos mantém na expectativa de chegarmos ao fim. Recomendamos a leitura deste livro aos docentes dos cursos da saúde, profissionais de saúde, estudantes, assim como para pessoas que se interessam em ampliar conhecimentos sobre as questões da morte e do morrer.

U prošlome smo se dvobroju Šumarskoga lista, obilježavajući 250. obljetnicu hrvatskoga šumarstva, osvrnuli na tekstove iz prvih godina njegovog tiskanja, povlačeći paralelu s današnjicom. Zbog uvida u povijesni slijed šumarske struke i interesantnost, pa i aktualnost tekstova, u ovome se dvobroju osvrćemo na tri teksta iz 1880. i 1881. god. vezana uz naslov. Prvi tekst odnosi se na "Naredbu c. k. ministarstva za poljodjelstvo od 13. veljače 1875, B 129/A. M., R.-G.-Bl. Br. 9, koja se odnosi na ispit za tehničko službovanje u državnoj šumskoj upravi" (po toj su Naredbi državni ispit polagali državni službenici u resornim ministarstvima u Pešti i Beču, da bi bili osposobljeni za rad u državnoj službi). Drugi tekst odnosi se na "Dopis od 3. studena 1880. Br. 24509, kojim poziva Visoka kralj. Zemaljska vlada ravnateljstvo Kralj. šumarskoga i gospodarskog učilišta u Križevcih, da sastavi posebno povjerenstvo koje bi imalo čim prije izraditi osnovu za preustrojstvo vladine naredbe od 10. siečnja god. 1850. tičuće se šumarskih državnih ispita u obće". Tako je Osnovu nove naredbe o polaganju državnog ispita za samostalnu šumarsku upravu u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, sačinilo povjerenstvo u sastavu: F. Ž. Kesterčanek, Dragutin Hlava i Vladimir Kiseljak, a ona se kao i naredba iz 1875. ponajprije temelji na spomenutoj Naredbi od 16. siječnja iz 1850. god. I iskustvima susjednih zemalja. Ispit se održava svake godine u svibnju. Kandidat mora imati završen odgovarajući studij šumarstva, s dobrim ocjenama iz glavnih predmeta i najmanje trogodišnju praksu. Ispit je pismeni i usmeni, a provjerava se znanje iz predmeta: a) Šumogojstvo, b) Zaštita šuma i šumsko redarstvo, c) Šumska tehnologija i uporaba, d) Geodezija, e) Ustanovljivanje šumskih obhodnja, gospodarskih osnova . . . , f) Šumarska taksacija……s osobitim obzirom na proračunanje vriednosti šuma, šumarsko-financijsko gospodarenje…, g) Šumarsko graditeljstvo (šumski putovi i prometila kao i po šumarstvo važne gradjevine……h) Državno šumarsko upravoslovlje (šumski zakon, naredbe), i sl.), i) Odnošaj privatnog prava prema šumarstvu i lovstvu, j) Temeljna načela neposrednog oporezovanja, k) Obća načela lovstva, l) Obći pregled ratarstva". Nakon 8-satnog pismenog, drugi dan je dvosatni javni usmeni ispit za svakog kandidata, a potom nakon nekoliko dana slijedi konačni "u obližnjoj kojoj šumariji ili šumi". Kandidat se nakon ispita "može proglasiti "odlično" ili pako samo "jednostavno osposobljenim", a nesposobnim pronadjeni kandidat može ispit ponoviti u roku , što mu ga ispitno povjerenstvo (od tri člana) ustanovi". U Naredbi iz 1875. posebno smo uočili dio paragrafa u kojemu se kaže: "Ispitni povjerenik, koji je s kojim kandidatom u rodu ili u tastbinstvu, ne smije kod izpita istoga kandidata prisutan biti", a interesantno je napomenuti da se za prijavu ispita, uz diplomu i potvrdu o radnom stažu u struci, traže i stručne primjedbe i zabilješke koje je kandidat vodio tijekom radnoga staža. U ova dva teksta cilj nam je bio prikazati već tadašnju potrebu, propis, način polaganja i obujam materije za polaganje državnog ispita, a u trećemu (vežući ga usputno za današnje političko kadroviranje), nalazimo odgovor na pitanje naslovljeno u članku:"Usposobljuje li položeni drž. šumarski ispit za samostalno vodjenje službe i za najviše šumarske službe?" Ako ga sami sebi postavimo, odgovor bi bio "da", no ako stavimo ruku na srce i budemo iskreni "pa ćemo morati priznati, da je ipak velika razlika biti šumarskim upraviteljem ili ravnajućim visokim činovnikom. Tko vidi, što se dan na dan zbiva, naći će, da ima vrlo mnogo šumara, koji su pod nadzorom vrstnoga i svjesnoga nadčinovnika ne samo najbolji upravni činovnici, već kadkad upravo odlično postupaju u poslovanju; nu ako se oni odmaknu od svoje svere ili im se obzirom na dosadanje poslovanje predaje vrhovna uprava, pokazuju ovi inače toli vješti činovnici toliku nespretnost i počimaju obično tako naopako gospodariti, te se mora i proti volji pomisliti, da su potpuno nevješti. Ne ima svatko sposobnosti, da ono bude, što hoće, i uz najbolju volju može se dogoditi, da komu njegove vlastite naravne sposobnosti reknu: dovde i ne dalje. Ne treba tumačenja, da uslied ovakovih pogriešaka trpi ponajprije šuma". U daljnjem tekstu sugerira se umjerenost, spoznaja vlastitih sposobnosti i napredovanje pojedinca kroz praksu, korak po korak "do one časti, kojoj može po svojih sposobnostih najbolje zadovoljavati". Glede stanja nakon položenog državnog ispita i cijeloživotnog obrazovanja, kritički se osvrće na "izpitane šumare. Većina njih, osvjedočena, da je "svoju svrhu postigla", ne radi ništa, knjige bacila na stranu, na slavohlepnost je zaboravila, svi su postali prosti i dobroćudni građani, koji u miru sade svoj kupus, i samo nuzgredno obavljaju svoju službu kao šumari, što već davno i nisu. Drugi su opet nemirne glave, puni ideja, od kojih se pako ni jedna ne obistinjuje, jer kakove imadu hire, tako im se mijenjaju i osnove; . progutaju sve knjige, ali malo od toga čestita zapamte, .njihov je rad kadkad izvrstan, nu nikad trajan. i rietko kad komu koristi. Baš od ovih polaze naši, toli slabo "cienjeni veleumi!" Treći dio napokon, i to najmanji, jest cviet šumogojaca. Ugled njihova zvanja, koje su odabrali, im je prvo. Oni ne ostaju na stepenu časti, koju su postigli položivši državni ispit, već znajući, da sad tek počima pravi študij njihove struke, i da se u životu ništa ne uči, da se vremenom opet zaboravi, pomnožuju svoje znanje i izobrazuju se kao muževi, svjestni si svoje svrhe. No, i među tom elitom šumarske struke nisu svi jednaki, i oni imaju svaki svoj limit, pa "gdjekoji obnašaju časti, koje im ne pripadaju, niti bi ih postigli da se je gledalo njihovo znanje." Želeći dobro šumarskoj struci, "kad napokon neće biti kod naše struke prepoznanih veleuma, već gdje će svaki pripadnik šumarske struke sam si stvoriti službu, dokle već sižu njegove sposobnosti. To vrieme bit će zora sjajnoj budućnosti šumoznanstva!" Uredništvo ; In the last double issue of Forestry Journal, which was dedicated to the 250th anniversary of Croatian forestry, we reviewed the texts from the first years of its printing and drew a parallel with the present. In order to gain an insight into the historical sequence of the forestry profession and the interesting and contemporary nature of the texts, this double issue will focus on three texts from 1880 and 1881 dealing with the subject title. The first text refers to the "Instruction of the Ministry of Agriculture of February 13, 1875, B 129/A. M., R.-G.-Bl.No.9, dealing with the exam for technical service in the state forestry administration (according to this Instruction, state exams were taken by civil servants in the competent ministries in Budapest and Vienna, which qualified them for work in the public service). The second text refers to the "Letter of November 3, 1880, No. 24509, in which the High Royal Government invites the Administration of the Royal Forestry and Agriculture College in Križevci to form a special commission for the purpose of drawing up a basis for the reformation of the governmental instruction of January 10, 1850, relating to forestry state exams in general". The Basis of the new instruction for state exams for independent forestry administration in Croatia and Slavonia was drawn up by a commission consisting of F. Ž. Kesterčanek, Dragutin Hlava and Vladimir Kiseljak. Like the instruction of 1875, the new instruction was also primarily based on the already mentioned Instruction of January 16, 1850, as well as on the experience from neighbouring countries. The exam was held in May every year. A candidate had to have completed a study of forestry and received good grades in the main subjects, and had to have at least three years of working experience. The exam was in written and oral form, and the subjects included: a) Silviculture, B) Forest protection and forest service, c) Forest technology and use, d) Geodesy, e) Establishment of forest control, Management plans, ., f) Forest inventory . with particular reference to the calculation of forest value, forest-financial management ., g) Forest civil engineering (forest roads and vehicles, as well as forest structures ., h) State forest legislation (forest laws, instructions), and similar), i) Relationship between private rights on forestry and hunting, j) Basic principles of direct taxation, k) General principles of hunting management, and l) General review of farming". The 8-hour written part of the exam was followed by a two-hour public oral exam for each candidate. Several days later the final exam was taken in a "nearby forest office or a forest". After the exam, the candidate might receive the following grades: "excellent" or "just competent", while those found incompetent could retake the exam on a date set by a three- member examining board". The Instruction of 1875 contains a part of the paragraph stating the following: "An examiner who is a candidate´s blood relative or a relative-in-law must not be present at the exam of the said candidate". It is interesting to note that in order to take the exam, the candidates had to submit not only their diploma and a document confirming their work in the profession, but also professional comments and notes they kept in the course of work.These two texts show that the method of taking state exams and the amount of the matter examined were regulated very early. The third text (related to the present politically-based appointments) gives an answer to the question raised in the article:"Does passing the state forestry exam qualify a candidate for an independent running of the highest forestry service?" If we answer the question ourselves, the answer is "yes", but if we are honest, "we must admit that there is a great difference between being a forest manager and a managing high servant. Those who are aware of what is happening day by day will find that there are very many foresters who, supervised by a competent and conscientious superior servant, become not only the best managing servants but also the best workers; however, if removed from their sphere or if appointed to run the highest administration, those otherwise competent servants display such ineptitude and begin to manage in such an inappropriate manner that one cannot help but conclude that they are utterly incompetent. Not everybody is capable of being what he wants to be; try as hard as one might, one´s own natural abilities tell you: you can get no further than this. Needless to say, it is the forest that suffers most in the aftermath of such errors". The text goes on to recommend moderation, an awareness of one´s own abilities and individual advancement through practical work, step by step, "up to that honourable position which can be best fulfilled by one´s abilities". As for the status after passing the state exam and lifelong learning, the text critically reviews "foresters that have passed the state exam. The majority of them, satisfied with the fact that "they have achieved their purpose", do nothing, throw away the books, forget ambition and turn into simple and well-meaning citizens who plant their cabbage in peace and only carry out their service as foresters in passing. Others, on the other hand, are restless and full of ideas, of which none are realized; their whims are followed by their changing priorities; . they avidly read all the books but remember hardly anything, . their work is sometimes excellent but never of long lasting . and is rarely useful for anybody. This is where the majority of our, so badly "appreciated geniuses" originate. The third part, the smallest one, is the crown of forest managers. The reputation of the profession which they have chosen is their utmost priority. They do not bask in the glory of passing the state exam, but, knowing that this is where the true study begins and that the things learned at one time are usually forgotten later on, broaden their knowledge and educate themselves as men with a purpose firmly in mind". Yet, there are differences even among this elite of the forestry profession. Each of them has their own limit, so "some are in honourable positions that do not rightfully belong to them, nor would they achieve them if their knowledge was the foremost criterion." Our profession will advance and benefit "when we finally do away with the geniuses of the profession, and when every member of the forestry profession creates the service himself according to their abilities. This moment will mark the dawn of a splendid future of the forestry science!" Editorial Board

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

U članku se objavljuje nalaz capsellae reliquiarum iz oltara crkve sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Kaštel Gomilici. Potvrđuje se Farlatijev navod o posveti crkve (podignute nad ostacima ranokršćanske bazilike) koju je izvršio splitski nadbiskup Abšalon 1160. godine. Autor razmatra pitanje njenih titulara iznoseći pretpostavku da je izbor moći pohranjenih u relikvijaru bio svojevrsni politički ulog rečenog nadbiskupa (ugarskog podrijetla) osobito radi činjenice da su u capselli i moći ugarskog sv. Stjepana Kralja, a da su Marija, te sv. Kuzma i Damjan suzaštitnici splitske katedrale. U članku se analiziraju tipološke odlike gomiličkog oltara u odnosu na poziciju sepulchruma, pa ga se uspoređuje s istovremenim u regiji. Autor izvodi široki ekskurs o pojavi kulta sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Splitu, i na teme "svetačke topografije" unutar Dioklecijanove palače na razmeđu kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka. Kaštelanska crkvica, posvećena relikvijama iz splitske katedrale, interpretira se kao svojevrsni relei gradske političke moći u ageru. ; U članku se objavljuje nalaz capsellae reliquiarum iz oltara crkve sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Kaštel Gomilici. Potvrđuje se Farlatijev navod o posveti crkve (podignute nad ostacima ranokršćanske bazilike) koju je izvršio splitski nadbiskup Abšalon 1160. godine. Autor razmatra pitanje njenih titulara iznoseći pretpostavku da je izbor moći pohranjenih u relikvijaru bio svojevrsni politički ulog rečenog nadbiskupa (ugarskog podrijetla) osobito radi činjenice da su u capselli i moći ugarskog sv. Stjepana Kralja, a da su Marija, te sv. Kuzma i Damjan suzaštitnici splitske katedrale. U članku se analiziraju tipološke odlike gomiličkog oltara u odnosu na poziciju sepulchruma, pa ga se uspoređuje s istovremenim u regiji. Autor izvodi široki ekskurs o pojavi kulta sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Splitu, i na teme •svetačke topografije• unutar Dioklecijanove palače na razmeđu kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka. Kaštelanska crkvica, posvećena relikvijama iz splitske katedrale, interpretira se kao svojevrsni relei gradske političke moći u ageru. Recentemente in una piccola cripta sullo stipite dell'altare della chiesa romanica dei Santi Cosma e Damiano a Kaštel Gomilica è stata scoperta una cassettina di piombo (7 x 4 x 3 cm), del cui contenuto e scopo parla l'iscrizione finemente intagliata, in caratteri carolini minuscoli del XII secolo: HIC SVNT RELIQUIIE SCE MARIE VIRIGINIS SCCS MA/RTIRV COSME l ET DAMIANI l ET SCI STEFA/NI REGIS Il ritrovamento è confermato da una fonte di Farlati che riferisce come la chiesa di S. Cosma e Damiano fosse stata consacrata dall'arcivescovo spalatino Absalon nell'anno 1160, e come la sua costruzione fosse stata iniziata dalle monache del convento di S. Benedetto con il permesso del loro predecessore Gaudio (1138-1158). La chiesetta stessa fu innalzata sui resti di una basilica tardoantica, ma gli scavi archeologici hanno dimostrato che nella vita di questa località vi è una chiara discontinuità. Sarà per questo probabile che vi sia stata una ripresa in epoca romanica. Rimane, dunque, inspiegato se già la basilica paleocristiana di Gomilica fosse intitolata ai santi Cosma e Damiano. Considerato che l'articolo mette in luce come le reliquie custodite nella capsella appena scoperta, fossero state prescelte in base ad un certo programma chiave dell'arcivescovo Absalon (è fondamentale l'indicazione: reliquie di santo Stefano Re), l'autore illustra innanzitutto la tradizione del culto di S. Cosma e Damiano all'interno del palazzo di Diocleziano a Spalato. Cvito Fisković ha tormulato di recente l'attraente ipotesi che il culto di S. Cosma e Damiano potesse essere una particolare derivazione - traduzione del culto di Esculapio nel palazzo tardoantico dell'imperatore Diocleziano, che dedicò a tale divinità, secondo la testimonianza di Torna Arcidiacono, il tempietto che sorgeva di fronte al suo mausoleo. Sullo sviluppo del culto cristiano nel Palazzo, oggi si può veramente dire qualcosa di più. L'autore avanza l'ipotesi che le chiesette di S. Teodoro e S. Martino risalgano al tardoantico. Entrambi i titolari hanno carattere specificamente militare. A Spalato il primo è collegato alla guardia bizantina che difendeva la Porta Ferrea del palazzo di Diocleziano. Il secondo, S. Martino - protettore dei soldati, dei sarti e dei tessitori - la chiesetta del quale a Spalato si trova sopra la Porta Aurea, potrebbe essere collegato all'esistenza documentata (proprio nella parte settentrionale del Palazzo) di una bottega per la produzione di tessuti di cui si ricorda il Procurator gynaecii Jovensis Dalmatiae Asphalatho. I gynaecarii erano per lo più condannati - con status di lavoratori. Generalmente parlando, soldati, lapicidi, porporai, tessitori - gli abitanti del Palazzo nei suoi primi secoli - erano il ceto ideale per accogliere il mistero cristiano. L'autore, dunque, pensa che a Spalato come altrove i gynaecarii erano riuniti in una corporazione di cui S. Martino poteva essere il protettore più conveniente. Oltre che dalla diffusione generale del culto di entrambi i santi ricordati in epoca tardoantica, l'ipotesi è convalidata da una notevole concentrazione di spolia paleocristiani presso entrambe le chiesette. L'autore in questo excursus va ancora oltre. Nella letteratura è stato più volte citato il bizzarro racconto di Amiano Marcellino, su come nell'anno 356 una donna denunciasse suo marito Danus e su come fosse stato condannato a morte, per delitto di Jaesa maiestatis avendo rubato la tenda rossa dal sarcofago dell'imperatore nel suo mausoleo. La storia è utilizzata solitamente per provare che Diocleziano fece costruire il tempio ottagonale, che più tardi sarebbe diventato la cattedrale di Spalato, come suo sepolcro e che vi era effettivamente stato seppellito. Non è mai stata, stranamente, posta la questione del motivo per cui Danus rubo il drappo cremisi dalla tomba di Diocleziano, pur essendo evidente che non poteva trattarsi di un furto motivato da interessi venali con la stoffa imperiale color cremisi, non si potevano cucire abiti da portare in pubblico. Si tratto molto probabilmente di un cosciente atto di profanazione, di un intervento di vendetta cristiana sul sarcofago dell'imperatore che per le sue posizioni contrarie al cristianesimo sarebbe rimasto profondamente impresso nella memoria dei secoli successivi come il più efferato persecutore dei cristiani. Lo scritto di Marcellino potrebbe essere proprio la significativa dimostrazione dell'inizio del regolamento dei conti del cristianesimo con le reliquie del paganesimo all'interno del Palazzo. L'autore, continuando, richiama l'attenzione sul fatto che il piccolo concilium sanctorum dei protettori di Spalato con Maria alla testa (la cattedrale è intitolata alla Assunzione di Maria) era costituito da due coppie: accanto a S. Domnio e Anastasio, S. Cosma e Damiano. Nelle analisi delle origini e delle funzioni,:P.ei culti dei santi nell'eta tardoantica è stato fatto notare come molte communità paleocristiane sottolineavano volentieri il fatto di avere nef loro centri più santi, e di scegliere spesso come protettori coppie di santi (Gervasio e Protasio a Milano, Pietro e Paolo a Roma, Felice e Fortunato ad Aquileia . . ). Peter Brown fa rilevare come tale scelta fosse cosciente: "la festività di due santi era la celebrazione della concordia all'interno di una città in potenza profondamente disunita ." L'autore ha trovato un'interessante suggerimento per tale interpretazione nell'analisi del rapporto insolitamente complesso tra S. Grisogono e S. Anastasia a Zara. Nella ricchissima scelta di reliquie che gli poterono essere offerte al principio del IX secolo, quando giunse a Costantinopoli come mediatore tra Carlo Magno e l'imperatore Nicoforo, il vescovo di Zara Donato, scelse certamente con molta attenzione le reliquie di S. Anastasia, in quanto il" suo pari", tutto considerato, doveva già trovarsi a Zara. L'autore ritienne che Donato non ebbe in mente tanto l'unione dopo la morte di Grisogono e Anastasia, quanto una specie di neutralizzazione dell'influenza "ideologica" che avevano in città le reliquie di S. Grisogono, giunte da Aquileia. In verità, le reliquie del santo scomparvero e più tardi furono nuovamente scoperte con un singolare miracolo. Ma qui siamo già di fronte ad un classico topos agiografico - il nuovo ritrovamento del corpo di un santo. Tutto questo excursus serve all'autore per formulare le seguenti osservazioni: se i santi Cosmia e Damiano, come titolari della chiesetta di Gomilica, sono eventualmente anche più antichi della sua consacrazione nel 1160, le reliquie nella capsella ritrovata sono sicuramen te, come le reliquie della Santa Vergine Maria, giunte dalla cattedrale di Spalato - al tempo dell'arcivescovo Absalon che arrivò a Spalato dall'Ungheria, e se ne allontanò con il riaffermarsi del potere bizantino sulla città. Le reliquie di S. Stefano, re d'Ungheria, si possono ritenere, con certezza, come parte del particolare ruolo politico affidato all'arcivescovo, uno dei tanti nella linea filo-ungherese che nel corso del XII secolo stette a capo della cattedrale spalatina. La costruzione della chiesetta a Kaštel Gomilica alla metà del XII secolo e lu sua consacrazione nel 1160, non si svolse, sicuramente, nel vuoto! Faceva parte della nuova politica integrale della chiesa, di un'epoca di consolidamento politico-sociale dei rapporti tra la città e lo spazio retrostante, il tempo che preparò il rinnovamento della maggior parte delle nostre cattedrali, e in cui il numero dei luoghi di culto cristiani nella campagna intorno alle città adriatiche aumentò di colpo. L'autore dà un breve guadro delle tappe più significative che dimostrano quanto il tour de force della città e delle sue chiese riuscì a penetrare nel territorio circostante. Esso fu ricoperto da una rete di chiesette nuove o rinnovate. Tramite la diffusione di particelle di santi trasportate in simili recipienti e cassettine in miniatura, si conquistavano e consacravano nuovi spazi. La chiesa negli spazi extra-urbani diventa un ripetitore del potere cittadino. L' "archeologia devozionale" rinnovava le relazioni con l'epoca eroica del primo cristianesimo. Il topos del ritrovamento e del rinnovamento di una delle località cristiane già consacrate, coincideva a suo modo con il topos del ritrovamento del santo protettore perso. Era questo indubbiamente anche il modo p iù breve di riconnotare uno spazio. Dopo l'interpretazione dell'iscrizione sulla capsella, l'autore, infine analizza le caratteristiche tipologiche dell'altare della chiesa di Kaštel Gomilica.

The political and social renascence that took place in the latter part of the 19th century made possible the revival of economic, cultural, and artistic activities. This became particularly evident in the building activity spreading, as in the rest of Europe of that period, in the wake of the then fashionable neo-styles that made a somewhat belated appearance at Vis. A Neo-Gothic building, designed to house the premises of the Hrvatski Dom, was built in the central part of the water-front (luka) et the very beginning of the current century, while a Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house was erected for the Tramontana family in 1911. The local school, designed by the native architect Marinković, was built in the Neo-Classicist style in 1910. The building housing the Army Club premises (Dom JNA) and the new fishmarket were also erected in the Neo-Classicist style. Some Neo-Classicist tombs may be seen on the cemetery where the Neo-Renaissance Dojmi Chapel stands out among other monuments. A Neo-Renaissance dwelling-house, belonging to the Mardešić Gariboldi family, was built at Komiža in in the early part of the current century, while the construction of a building in the Secessionist style (The Hum Café) followed shortly. The trend prevailing at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries is evident also in a series of simple, modest houses designed in no definite style at all, but containing elements of various neo-styles or of the Viennese Secession in their facades. Gutters for carrying off rain water, usually sunk in decorative roof cornices supported by consoles; rows of tall windows with simply dressed stone frames that were molded in some cases; standard shop entrances in the ground floor; balconies with wrought-iron balustrades; basement windows protected with iron grating, etc., all these elements were commonplace during that period lasting through the thirties of the current century when the increasing use of concrete almost entirely repleced stone as building material, rendering the facade construction an utterly simple affair. Among the movables dating from the above mentioned period, the Neo-Gothic furniture of the pharmacy (Narodna Apoteka) at Komiža, and the home furniture owned by the Lučić-Roki family at Vis (designed by Dragutin Inkiostri Medenjak, painter and decorator, 1866-1942) are worth mentioning. So are several pieces of furniture, etc., dating from the late 19th and early 20th centuries scattered in various houses on the island. Two painters native from Komiža, Vinko Foretić and Miho Marinković, contributed to the development of the modern art in Croatia during the early part of the current century. While the former returned to his native island after years of youthful wanderings, dedicating his ability to landscape painting and portraying of life and people of Komiža, the latter ended his days as a university professor (member of the Faculty of Architecture) in Belgrade. Boasting marvellous scenery and views of the sea, picturesque water-front and interesting fishermen popular even abroad, Komiža has attracted a number of artists for a long period now. One of them was Đuro Tiljak who came to live on the island time and again where he painted considerable number of his canvases. A memorial collection of his works, comprising all his creations involving the island, was opened at Komiža in 1967. The Island of Vis, having played a most important part in the People's Revolution, has a special niche in its history. Owing to its geographical position, lying far from the mainland in the open sea, the island, turned into a wartime garrison by the People's Liberation Army as soon as Italy surrendered to the Allies in 1943, became an impregnable fortress in the Adriatic, successfully resisting the attacks of German forces in the area. That is why a number of localities and structures on the island, reminding us of those eventful years, are significant not only for the history of Dalmatia but of the whole of Yugoslavia. The glorious days of the recent past are re-awakened by memorial tablets or slogans found on old stone-built houses in the island villages and hamlets; by graves of fallen partisans scattered in a number of grave-yards and on the former aerodrome – once a lonely window flung open to the outer world and now a peaceful green vineyard; and also by miscellaneous articles or documents surviving in the silanders' homes. Numerous traces of red – or blue – painted slogans still found on the walls of houses at Vis, Komiža, Podšpilje, Marinje Zemlje, Dračevo Polje, Podstražje, and other villages and hamlets on the island, bear eloquent testimony to the wartime events, particularly to the significant ones in 1944. The cave located to the nort-west of Borovik is no doubt the most important monument belonging to that period as it served as sheltered headquarters for the People's Liberation Army from where its Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, controlled its activities in the field aiming at the liberation of the country. The cave has therefore been named Titova Špilja. Several memorial tablets have been erected in the post-war period, either to mark some historic spots or to honour the victims of the Fascist persecution, fallen partisans, etc., Among the memorial tablets set up at Komiža, the one on the Tower is in memory of the 1940 municipal election victory of the workpeople of Komiža when 18 councilmen were returned, who directed the municipal affairs under the leadership of the Communist Party of Croatia; others, set up on various houses at Vis, mark the one-time seats of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia for the central Dalmatian archipelago, and of the Regional Committee of the People's Liberation Movement, etc. A memorial tablet, set up on the Kučić Family house at Komiža, reminds us of the decision made by the local Communist Party Committee in 1941 to start attacking the invader's forces, while the inscription on another tablet erected on the house owned by Luka Borčić (at Žena Glava), records the spot where – from January through October 1944 – the Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia conducted the armed revolt of the people against the Fascist invader. Fallen partisans have been hounoured by memorial tablets set up at Vis, Komiža, Podstražje, Marinje Zemlje, Podšpilje, and on the Island of Biševo. Both native and British airmen, killed in action in the course of the struggle for liberation, have also been honoured, the native flyers at Velo Polje and the British at the Čunkovica crossroads. Monuments remind us of the executed hostages at Vis and Komiža in 1943 while a memorial tablet records the spot where Nikola Marinković – Top was killed. As a part of the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the stay on the island (in 1944) of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, of the headquarters of the People's Liberation Army, and of Marshal Tito himself, several buildings were dedicated in 1964 to the fighters killed in action and to the victims of Fascist cruelty. Among such buildings are the memorial school, designed by the Architect N. Šegvić, and the memorial premises for popular meetings, etc., designed by S. Planić. A memorial well built at Podšpilje bears the inscription of some verses by J. Franičević and of names of the fallen fighters. A large monolith erected at Vis marks the spot where the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the People's Liberation Army, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, reviewed the First Dalmatian Brigade decorating it for bravery with the Order of People's Liberation. A sentence from his speech reading: »Tuđe nećemo – svoje ne damo« (We do not what is not ours but we will not surrender what is ours) has been cut in the monolith. A number of buildings at Vis bear inscriptions recording various wartime events, e. g. the stay there (in 1944) of the presidium of the Anti-Fascist Council of Yugoslavia, of the People's Committe, of the Vis Island District Committee, etc. Some buildings at Komiža are marked in a similar way, and we learn from the inscriptions which of the houses were occupied by the Military Command, Military Hospital, Refugee Collecting Station, etc. Memorial tablets have also been set up at Borovik Village, in order to mark the houses once occupied by the Centrl Comittee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the 26th Division Headquarters, and the Soviet, British, and American military missions. The Dalmatian Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, the Agitprop, the Slobodna Dalmacija Editorial Office, etc., were housed at Žena Glava Village, while various aerodrome services etc. had their quarters at Marinje Zemlje. The headquarters of the 1st Dalmatian Brigade and 3rd Overseas Brigade were at Podselje. A number of miscellaneous movable articles connected with the People's War of Liberation have been preserved and are now on show at the Museum at Vis as also in some private homes. A significant architectural contribution has been recorded on the island in the field of building construction. The Yugoslav Army Club premises at Komiža and a number of handsome dwelling-houses (all designed by the Architect Vitić) and the large Wine Cellars (designed by the Architect Fabris) are particularly noteworthy.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANegativna medijska kampanja usmjerena protiv šumara, a posebice na predstavnike trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o., traje neprestano već nekoliko godina, a intenzivnije unatrag dvije godine. Sve je eskaliralo nedavno aferom s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene. Mediji su se brže-bolje natjecali tko će više oblatiti pojedinačne i kolektivne vinovnike događaja. Temeljem paušalnih analiza zamjeralo se Hrvatskim šumama svašta, od privremenog neplaćanja šumskog doprinosa gradovima i općinama (u vrijeme kompletnog zastoja države uvjetovanog epidemijom koronavirusa ta namjenska sredstva ionako nitko nije mogao trošiti na izgradnju i održavanje šumskih cesta) do pripreme podizanja kredita za likvidnost tvrtke, koja je u sklopu pomoći pristala na produljenje roka plaćanja drvne industrije za isporučenu sirovinu sa 60 na 100 dana od dana izdavanja računa za sve isporuke od početka 2020. godine. Primjedbe na korištenje valjda najpoznatijega parafiskalnog nameta u Hrvata za usluge općekorisnih funkcija šuma ne treba ni spominjati, jer nema bitnijeg poduzetnika ili bilo kojeg političara koji u cilju pomoći gospodarstvu ne spomene smanjenje ili ukidanje toga. Laicima nije ni poznato da su Hrvatske šume svojim kriznim planom u potpunosti izbacile ovaj način financiranja gospodarenja šumama za 2020. godinu. U vrijeme korona krize to su vjerojatno bili najispravniji poslovni potezi u cilju sačuvanja vlastite zaposlenosti, zaposlenosti kupaca i dobavljača, kao i likvidnosti tvrtke. Koga to zanima kad čitatelje zanimaju negativne vijesti i afere. Većini njih također nije poznato da se šumarstvo uvijek u kriznim vremenima pobrinulo samo za sebe, ali i za druge koje je nosilo na svojim plećima. U svim krizama šumarstvo je pomagalo drvnoj industriji, pa i otpisivalo dugove u raznim državama i uređenjima koji su vladali na našem prostoru, ali i snosilo posljedice objektivnih i subjektivnih poslovnih rizika aktera u drvnom sektoru.Moć objavljenih tekstova na mrežnim stranicama i društ­ve­nim mrežama je velika. U kratkom vremenu dopire do velikog broja čitatelja. Većina tekstova objavljuju se kao bom­bastični naslovi i podnaslovi. Čitanjem sadržaja tek upućenijem čitatelju je jasno što ne odgovara istini. Obično se prema kraju članka sadržaj ublažava, ali to pročitaju najuporniji čitatelji, dok im u percepciji ostaju negativne informacije iz naslova i s početka teksta. Na društvenim mrežama javljaju se mnogi od pojedinaca do udruga, a dosta njih i anonimno te pisanjem svojih komentara stvaraju negativno ozračje o šumarskoj struci. Čitajući brojne napise stječe se dojam da su šumari jedan od većih problema Lijepe naše.Bolji poznavatelji prilika priznat će da je šumarstvo uz poljoprivredu nositelj opstanka preostalih ruralnih krajeva. Šumarstvo koje je najzastupljenije u ruralnim i manje razvijenim područjima osigurava egzistenciju zaposlenicima Hrvatskih šuma, zaposlenicima brojnih izvoditelja radova u šumarstvu te tvrtki i obrta u drvnom sektoru, posredno svima koji prodaju svoje proizvode drvnim tvrtkama, a čuvar je najvećeg dijela ekološke mreže Republike Hrvatske. Kroz zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta od požara na krškom području važna je karika sačuvanja bioraznolikosti države, ali i kulise koja pomaže hrvatskoj grani gospodarstva od posebnog interesa – turizmu. U vrijeme Domovinskog rata šumarstvo je umjesto države gradilo i ceste kako bi povezalo dijelove Republike Hrvatske, gdje su nekada stanovnici putovali preko susjednih do matične države.U dragoj nam Hrvatskoj domovini danas postoji osam nacionalnih parkova i 11 parkova prirode u kojima je većina temeljnih fenomena šuma. Zaštita prirode u biti je sačuvana područja preuzela na upravljanje od šumara. Da se na tim područjima nije gospodarilo uz šumarske postulate i s ekološkim obzirom, ne bi se danas dičili s parkovima kao što su Plitvička jezera, Risnjak, Sjeverni Velebit ili Mljet. U krškom dijelu Hrvatske, gdje se nalazi većina zaštićenih parkova, nikad nije nestalo šume upravo zbog dva i pol stoljetnog gospodarenja s njom. Današnje generacije se ne sjećaju izgleda šuma u prijašnjim razdobljima. Većina najvrjednijih šuma hrasta lužnjaka posječena je kompletno između 1820-ih i 1920-ih godina. Danas stasaju nove generacije tih uzgojenih šuma koje su u biti proizvod hrvatskih šumara. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sjeklo se količinski skoro kao i danas, jer nije bilo drugih resursa pa se država obnavljala i dolazila do potrebnih financijskih sredstava. Uz sve to zahvaljujući mudrosti i radu više generacija šumara, današnja je pokrivenost države pod šumama 44 posto, a sa šumskim zemljištima i 49 posto. Nažalost, većina javnosti ne može shvatiti pojam vječnih šuma koje nisu stalno u istoj dobi, jer jednako kao i druga bića imaju svoje razvojne stadije. Njihova vječnost se proteže kroz slijed generacija šume. Sječa starih zrelih šumskih sastojina preduvjet je nove generacija šume kojoj se svi iskreni šumari najviše vesele, jer je uspješno napravljena smjena generacija i sačuvana opstojnost šume na istoj površini. Taj prijelaz je u nizinskim šumama vidljiviji, no postoje i gorske šume na kojima se tako očiti prijelaz ne vidi, pa to i promatračima manje upada u oko.Neupućeni ili zlonamjerni ne znaju ili zaboravljaju na desetljetne pritiske ponajprije na državno šumarstvo radi pogodovanja pojedincima i tvrtkama u cilju podizanja nekad više maslinika i vinograda, a danas više gradnji vjetroelektrana i pašarenja na obraslim i neobraslim šumskim zemljištima. Hrvatski šumari baštine pojam potrajnog gospodarenja, pojma danas poznatijeg kao održivo gospodarenja, kojim su se borili da se površine pod šumom ne smanjuju. Tako, ako se u funkciji razvoja kojemu se nitko pametan neće protiviti ako je održiv i racionalan, negdje i krče šume radi prenamjene odobrene prostornim planom, smanjena površina pod šumama se nadoknađuje podizanjem nove šume na drugom mjestu. Koliko god se državno šumarstvo najčešće smatralo kočničarem razvoja, ono je zapravo bilo branitelj zakonskog djelovanja, dok su često pa i danas neki investitori, ali i državne institucije, vršili pritisak ubrzavajući proceduru u svoju korist bez pravne podloge. Hrvatske šume d.o.o. sa svim svojim prednostima i manama samo su dio slike koju danas imamo u Republici Hrvatskoj. Način kadroviranja i upravljanja jednak je kao i u ostalim javnim poduzećima i trgovačkim društvima u većinskom državnom vlasništvu. Kao u svakoj struci postoje previdi i pogreške, ali postulati hrvatskoga šumarstva su isprobani i dokazani kroz više od 250 godina. Današnje manje kvalitetne izvedbe u pojedinim šumama posljedica su raznih faktora i ne razlikuju se od pogrešaka koje se u svim djelatnostima događaju (zar se djelomično pogrešno ne obavi operacija, sagradi zgrada ili sastavi stroj?). Čak i u recentnom slučaju s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pozitivno su odradile svoju zadaću naplatom duga investitoru za služnost ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'HR','u iznosu prema pravilniku važećem u vremenu pokretanja investicije. Hrvatske šume većinom su u svom djelovanju između čekića i nakovnja, s jedne strane pritisak korisnika drvne sirovine za što većom sječom i proizvedenom i plasiranom količinom ili korisnika prostora preko služnosti ili zakupa, a s druge strane sve veći pritisak za zaštitom staništa i jedinki što usložnjava i poskupljuje proizvodnju.Resorno ministarstvo, koje osim što je krajem 2011. godine prvi put nakon 1919. godine ispustilo u svom imenu naziv šumarstva, uz taj simbolički čin postalo je maćeha vlastitom čedu, budući resorni ministar/ministrica kao jednočlana skupština trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. svojim nalozima prema upravi toga Društva djeluju u korist svih aspiranata na sve vrste proizvoda i usluga iz šume i šumskoga zemljišta. Tako se najvrjedniji trupci prodaju po dogovornim cijenama, koje već dugi niz godina nisu usklađene s tržišnim, čak ni s manje razvijenim susjednim zemljama, ogrjevno drvo i drvni ostaci se prodaju po dugogodišnjim ugovorima, bez obzira na promjene tržišnih uvjeta, a neobraslo šumsko zemljište, čak i tartufi, moraju se prepustiti svakome tko zaželi, čak i ako se ne pridržava zakonske regulative.Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo učestalo ističe politizaciju cijeloga sustava kao jedan od najvećih problema našega društva. Politike mijenjaju kompletne Uprave društva, garnirane s većom ili manjom kvotom uhljeba, svake četiri godine, a ponekad i u kraćim terminima. Tako postavljena vodstva dužna su provoditi naloge te iste politike, pa bile one i protuzakonite. Na taj se način tvrtke, kao u našem slučaju Hrvatske šume d.o.o., povlače po medijima kao kriminalne organizacije, ili se čak protiv njih organiziraju javni prosvjedi. Kako se pritom osjećaju zaposlenici, naše kolege koji s ljubavlju i odgovorno obavljaju svoj posao, možemo naslutiti?Prateći sva zbivanja postoji bojazan da se ne priprema teren kako bi se državne šume dale u koncesiju nakon što se trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume proglase nesposobnim za upravljanje. Na brojnim primjerima poznato je kako koncesije uglavnom donose samo eksploataciju bez ulaganja u šume. Većina europskih država bogatih šumama imaju jake svoje državne tvrtke za gospodarenje državnim šumama i čuvari su tih šuma, ali i prostora kao i života na njima.Svrha ovoga teksta nije obrana bilo koga unaprijed, jer o nečijoj nevinosti i krivnji odlučivat će institucije kojima je to posao. U državi gdje se vode mnoge besplodne rasprave, koje se većinom tiču prošlosti, treba početi racionalnije sagledavati sadašnjost i ne povoditi se za huškačkom histerijom. Potrebno je popuštati okove politike i prepuštati struci da radi ono što najbolje zna, a to je u šumarstvu gospodarenje šumama i šumskim zemljištima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe negative media campaign directed against foresters, and particularly against the representatives of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, has been going on for several years and has gained in intensity in the past two years. It all escalated recently with the scandal concerning the wind power plant Krš-Pađene. The media rushed to smear individual and collective entities involved in the event. Based on impromptu analyses the company Croatian Forests was criticised for all kinds of things, including temporary non-payment of forest contributions to cities and municipalities (at the time when the state was at a complete standstill due to the coronavirus epidemics these earmarked funds could not be spent on the construction and maintenance of forest roads anyway), as well as raising a loan to boost the company's liquidity. Namely, the company agreed to extend the payment period of the wood industry for the delivered raw material from 60 to 100 days from the date of issuing the invoice for all deliveries from the beginning of the year 2020. Let us not even mention all those remarks on the use of probably the most well-known parafiscal levy in Croatia related to non-market forest functions. There is not one entrepreneur or politician who has not requested the reduction or abolition of this levy as a way of helping the economy. Lay people are not even aware of the fact that the crisis plan of Croatian Forests envisages complete elimination of this form of financing forest management for 2020. At the time of the coronavirus crisis these are probably the best business moves aimed at preserving employment in the company, employment of the customers and suppliers, as well as the company's liquidity. But who wants to read about this when negative news and scandals are much more interesting? Most people do not know either that at times of crises forestry has always taken care not only of itself but also of others dependent on it. In all crises forestry has helped the wood industry, written off debts of various states and political systems reigning in these areas, but also borne the consequences of objective and subjective business risks of those working in the wood sector.The power of the texts published on websites and social networks is enormous. They reach large numbers of readers in a very short time. The majority of the published texts feature bombastic headlines and sub headlines. Only when the whole text is read does it transpire what is the truth and what is not. Usually the content of an article is softened towards the end, but the whole article is read only by the most persevering reader, while the majority retain only the negative information from the headlines and the beginning of the text. Social networks are full of individuals and associations whose comments, often anonymous, create a negative image of the forestry profession. All these comments give an impression that foresters are one of the biggest problems of Our Beautiful Homeland.Those better acquainted with the situation realize that forestry and agriculture are the pillars of survival in the remaining rural areas. Forestry, which is most represented in rural and less developed areas, provides a livelihood for employees of Croatian Forests, employees of numerous contractors in forestry and companies and crafts in the wood sector, and indirectly of all those who sell their products to wood companies. Forestry also guards and cares about the largest part of the ecological network in the Republic of Croatia. By protecting forests and forestland from fires in karst areas it forms an important link in the conservation of biodiversity in the state, but also creates a setting which helps the Croatian economic branch of particular interest - tourism. During the Homeland War it was forestry professionals who constructed roads needed to connect parts of the Republic of Croatia at the time when residents had to travel through neighbouring countries in order to reach their home country.In our beloved homeland there are eight national parks and eleven nature parks in which forests constitute the basic phenomena. Basically, nature conservation has taken over the preserved areas for management from foresters. If these areas had not been managed according to forestry postulates and ecological considerations, we would not be able to boast of parks such as Plitvice Lakes, Risnjak, North Velebit and Mljet. In the karst part of Croatia, where the majority of protected parks are located, forests have never disappeared thanks to two and a half century long forest management. Present day generations do not know what forests looked like in earlier periods. The majority of the most valuable forests of pedunculate oak were completely cut down between the 1820s and 1920s. Today we witness the growth of new generations of managed forests, which are essentially the product of Croatian foresters. After World War Two the quantities of forests that were cut down almost equalled present day quantities because there were no other resources and the state needed the necessary financial means for rebuilding and renovation. Moreover, thanks to the wisdom and hard work of several generations of foresters, the present forest cover in Croatia amounts to 44 percent and forestland to 49 percent. Regrettably, most people do not comprehend the concept of eternal forests, which are not always of the same age, because just like other beings they have their development stages. Their eternity extends through generations of forests. Cutting down old, mature forest stands opens the door to a new generation of a forest, and all foresters rejoice in it because it testifies to a successful change of generations and the survival of the forest in the same area. This transition is visible in lowland forests, but there are also mountain forests in which such an obvious transition is not striking, so it is less noticeable to observers.Those less well informed or malicious do not know about or close their eyes to decades of pressures on the state forestry. These pressures are aimed at enabling individuals and companies to receive different benefits: in the past it was olive groves and vineyards, today it is the construction of wind power stations and grazing in vegetation-covered or bare forest areas. Croatian foresters staunchly adhere to the concept of sustainable management, under which they fight against reducing forested areas. Thus, if forests are sometimes cut down for conversion purposes as regulated by spatial plans, reduced forested areas are immediately replaced with new forests in another place. Although state forestry has often been thought as a hindrance to development, it has in fact defended lawful activities in circumstances in which some investors, as well as state institutions, have exerted pressure by speeding up the procedure in their favour without any legal basis. ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'EN','The company Croatian Forests Ltd, with all its strengths and weaknesses, is only a part of the overall picture in the Republic of Croatia. Personnel recruitment and management is the same as in other public companies and state-owned companies. Just like in any other profession, there are omissions and mistakes, but one things is always the same: the postulates of Croatian forestry have been tested and verified for over 250 years. Present-day activities of lesser quality in some forests are the consequence of various factors and they do not differ from mistakes taking place in all other professional spheres (is not it true that sometimes a surgical operation may go wrong, or a building can be poorly constructed or a piece of machinery badly assembled?). Even in the most recent case of the Krš-Pađene wind power station, Croatian Forests Ltd have done their homework well by collecting the debt to the investor for easement in the amount according to the regulations valid at the time of starting the investment. In most of its activities Croatian Forests Ltd are between the hammer and the anvil: on the one hand, there is constant pressure by users of wood resources for more felling and more produced and sold quantities, and on the other, there is growing pressure to protect habitats and species, which all makes production more complex and more expensive. The relevant ministry, in addition to dropping the word forestry from its name at the end of 2011 for the first time after 1919, has also become an evil stepmother to its own child, since the line minister, as a one-member assembly of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, by his/her orders to the Company management acts to benefit all aspirants to receive all kinds of products and services from forests and forestland. Thus, the most valuable logs are sold at negotiated prices which have for years been out of touch with market conditions, fuel wood and wood residues are sold under long-term contracts regardless of changed market conditions, and bare forest land, and even truffles, must be given over to anyone who wants them, even if legal regulations are not complied with. The Croatian Forestry Association frequently points out that politicization of the entire system is one of the biggest problems of our society. Entire company managements are changed by politics every four or fewer years and nepotism is an inherent part of the system. Managements installed by politics in this way are forced to carry out the orders of the same policies, even if they are illegal. This is how companies, in our case Croatian Forests Ltd, are dragged through the media as criminal organisations; even public protests are organized against them. Can we even guess how the employees, our colleagues who do their jobs responsibly and lovingly, feel?All these events raise fears of the terrain being prepared for giving state forests for concession after the company Croatian Forests is declared incapable of forest management. There are many examples of concessions generating exploitation of forests without any investments in them. The majority of European countries with abundant forest areas have strong state companies which manage and guard state forests, their areas and the life in them.This text does not aim to defend anybody in advance: someone's innocence or guilt will be decided on by relevant institutions. In the state in which fruitless debates about the past are held, it is time to turn to the present in a more rational manner and not succumb to harangues and hysteria. Politics should loosen its grip and leave it to the profession to do what it knows best: in the case of forestry, it is the management of forests and forestland.Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAKada je krajem ožujka ove godine Thomas Waitz, zastupnik Europskog parlamenta, član Kluba zastupnika Zelenih/Europskog slobodnog saveza, objavio na svojoj službenoj stranici "Novo izvješće o krčenju šuma u Hrvatskoj" dostavljeno od braniteljske udruge ViDrA – "veterani i društvena akcija", vijest o tome proširila se na hrvatskim mrežnim stranicama. Povodom toga objavljen je na portalu Telegram.hr i razgovor s predsjednicom udruge Vesnom Grgić. Forum udruge pod nazivom Zeleni odred za cilj ima, kako su sami naveli, "borbu protiv devastacije šuma i šumskih površina u Republici Hrvatskoj".Pohvalna je briga za opće dobro, što šume u Republici Hrvatskoj i jesu. Samo čitajući optužbe, koje se većinom odnose na djelovanje trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume, ne može se oteti dojmu da tu ima puno neshvaćanja zakonskih postavki i operativnih radnji koje se odvijaju u gospodarenju šumama.U razgovoru se kao mogućnost "jezive devastacije šuma" navodi zabrana sječe svih šuma u razdoblju od 10 godina, uspoređujući to s primjerom Albanije. Toj zemlji to nitko izvan nje nije naredio, već je to bila odluka albanskog parlamenta da se uvede moratorij na sječu šuma za trgovačke namjene od 2016. do 2025. godine. Zabrana je uvedena kao posljedica nekontroliranih prevelikih sječa, što je stvorilo erozivna područja koja su jako vidljiva diljem države. Uspoređujući to s Republikom Hrvatskom u kojoj postoji organizirano šumarstvo 256 godina, potpuno je deplasirano. Osnovno nerazumijevanje, koje se i inače ponavlja u javnosti, je održivo gospodarenje putem oplodnih sječa, gdje se na kraju životnog ciklusa jednodobnih sastojina (sam naziv jednodobno označava da su stabla približno jednake starosti) stara šuma, naravno sa starim i debelim stablima, zamjenjuje mladom šumom, koja se izvan vegetacijskog razdoblja svugdje dobro i ne uočava. Bitno je to da na šumskom zemljištu i dalje ostaje šuma, znači nema devastacije, odnosno degradacijskih stadija šuma (kao što laici obično mlade šume u razvoju – u progresiji smatraju šikarom koja je primjer obrnutog procesa – regresije). Oplodno razdoblje koje traje i 20 godina, a u fazi dovršne sječe godinu ili više godina ako se sječe na manjim površinama, u stvari je porođaj mlade šume. Svima je poznato da rođenje djeteta u ljudskom svijetu nastaje nakon porođajnih muka, a odrastanje i osamostaljivanje traje godinama. Isto možemo usporediti s nastankom mlade šume i brigom oko njenog razvoja. Rađaonica u šumi traje i njeno uređenje traži vremena. Osim što je šumska površina u obnovi rađaonica, ona je i radilište na kojemu vladaju posebni propisi, posebice oni vezani za zaštitu na radu. Ljubitelji prirode koji se prolazeći kroz šumu u obnovi ljute zbog oštećenih šumskih puteva, trebaju znati da se oni nalaze usred radilišta i da se ne bi mogli slobodno kretati po radilištu nekakve zgrade ili mosta. Povlačeći paralelu, šumsko radilište bi se moglo ograditi kao i neko građevinsko, a onda ne bi bilo pristupa u to područje.Nerealno je očekivati da se stanje šuma, kao uostalom i drugih dijelova prirode, može konzervirati. Prirodni ekosustavi su dinamične cjeline i kroz vrijeme se stalno mijenjaju. U Republici Hrvatskoj prirodne gospodarene šume doživjele su bar dva kompletna, a neke i po tri životna ciklusa od nastanka do dovršnog sjeka. Znači da su kroz taj ciklus prošle sve faze, od mlade šuma visine nekoliko centimetara, do stare šume s visokim stablima 30-40 m. Prosječni ljudski vijek u današnje doba u našoj domovini od 78 godina tek je nešto iznad polovice životnog vijeka propisanog za šume hrasta lužnjaka od 140 godina, a oko tri četvrtine vijeka bukovih šuma od 100 godina. Normalno je da stanovniku i posjetitelju nekog šumskog područja promiču promjene u starim šumama koje nisu tako drastične, kao što se dogodi kada se stara šuma zamijeni mladom šumom. Zanimljivo je kako se ljudi raduju rađanju novih ljudi i njihovom odrastanju, a ne raduju se, za razliku od šumara, rađanju novih šuma koje šumari nastoje stvoriti kvalitetnijim od prethodnih. Stara poslovica kaže "Na mladima svijet ostaje". Logično je da isto vrijedi i za šume. Nove šume će omogućiti blagodati novim generacijama. Zamislimo da su danas sve šume stare po dvjesto i više godina (kao što za primjer imamo potpuno zaštićenu šumu Prašnik, gdje je ostalo malo starih stabala hrasta lužnjaka, a ispod njih prevladavaju mlađa stabla graba čime se u biti gubi glavna vrsta drveća). Imali bi šume pune bolesnih stabala, od kojih ne bi bilo previše koristi. Drvna industrija ostala bi skoro bez ikakve sirovine za svoj rad, a onda i stanovništvo bez mogućnosti zaposlenja i brojnih proizvoda od drveta. Još jedna bitna činjenica u svjetlu klimatskih promjena je to da se najveći ponor (upijanje) ugljika stvara u šumama mlađim od 140 godina, nakon čega se unos ugljika smanjuje.Postavlja se i pitanje zašto se u općoj brizi za naše šume prati samo stanje u državnim šumama, dok se u privatnim šumama malih posjednika, koje čine jednu četvrtinu ukupnoga šumskog kompleksa, događaju radnje koje, za razliku od državnih šuma, otprilike odgovaraju stanju koje navode gore navedene Udruge. Dobna struktura vlasnika, neriješeni imovinsko pravni odnosi i zapušteno i neažurirano stanje našeg katastra i gruntovnice, usitnjeni posjed, kao i neadekvatna zakonska rješenja i nepostojanje organizirane čuvarske službe razlog su takvom stanju. Razvoj tehnologija donio je brojne olakšice i koristi u današnjem življenju, ali nažalost i nedostatke. Mogućnost brzog prijenosa informacija omogućila je svima upoznavanje sa svim djelatnostima i strukama, što je pak stvorilo lažnu predodžbu o razumijevanju svih sfera života i njihovom funkcioniranju. Tako su danas brojni posjetitelji šume postali znalci o šumarstvu, ali i dobili mogućnost lakog iskazivanja svog viđenja o tome u medijima. Čak su nastali takvi uvjeti da im se više vjeruje nego struci koja se za to školovala i stjecala iskustvo kroz praksu. Paušalno i olako iznesene optužbe zauzimaju naslovnice i postaju istina, dok se demanti teško probijaju i prolaze nezapaženo. Tko je u svemu tome odgovoran za točno i istinito informiranje javnosti? U svakoj struci postoje pojedinci koji ne rade dobro ili se čine pogrešne radnje, ali ne može se generalizirati i na temelju toga donositi zaključke. Nažalost današnjim prevladavajućim negativističkim novinarstvom stvaraju se uvjeti nepovjerenja u bilo kakvu djelatnost i struku što nije dobro, a u budućnosti može biti i gore.Mlada šuma koja će uskoro stasati, i postati vidljiva i nešumarskom oku, na tako često prozivanim sljemenskim sječinama, ali i diljem Lijepe Naše, dokazat će da šumarska struka postoji i uspješno obavlja svoj posao, što je u cijeloj priči najvažnije. Takvih mladih i njegovanih šuma ima i sada na značajnim površinama, samo ih laici ne prepoznaju.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALWhen Thomas Waitz, representative of the European Parliament and member of the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance, published in his official page "a new report on deforestation in Croatia", a report passed on by ViDrA– "Association of Veterans and Social Action", this piece of news spread across the Croatian network media. On this occasion the portal Telegram.hr published an interview with Vesna Grgić, chairperson of Vidra Association. The Association's Forum, called The Green Squad, was established, in their own words, "with the purpose of fighting against devastation of forests and forest land in the Republic of Croatia".The concern for common goods, which forests in the Republic of Croatia certainly are, is highly commendable. However, if we read accusations that refer mostly to the activities of the company Croatian Forests, one cannot but feel that there is a lot of misunderstanding of legal provisions and operational actions that take place in forest management. One of the examples of "disastrous forest devastation" mentioned in the interview was the possibility of a ban on logging in all forests for the period of 10 years and a comparison with Albania was given. There was no request from abroad for Albania to do so – it was a decision of the Albanian Parliament to impose a moratorium on cutting down forests for industrial purposes for the period from 2016 to 2025. The ban was implemented as a reaction to uncontrolled excessive logging, resulting in erosive areas clearly visible across the country. To compare this with the Republic of Croatia, which enjoys 256 years of organized forestry, is completely misplaced. The basic misunderstanding generally displayed by the public refers to sustainable management using the shelterwood system, where at the end of the life cycle of an even-aged stand (the name itself denotes that the trees are of relatively even age), the mature forest, naturally with all trees, including thick ones, is replaced with a young forest, which is not always clearly visible outside the vegetation period. What is important is that the forest remains on the forested land: there is no devastation and no degraded forest stages (just as non-experts consider a young forest in progression a scrub; however, a scrub is an example of a reverse process – regression). The rejuvenation period, which lasts for up to 20 years and in the final cutting stage it may last for one or more years if smaller forested areas are treated, is in fact the birth of a young forest. We all know that in the human world a child is born after labour pains and growing up and turning an adult takes years. This can be compared with the emergence of a young forest and care for its development. The labour pains bringing forth a forest and its management take time. Not only can the forested area being regenerated be compared to a maternity ward, it is also a work site where special regulations apply, particularly those related to safety at work. Nature lovers who are angry about the damaged forest roads when passing through the forest being regenerated, should know that they are in a construction site and that they would not be able to move freely on the construction site of a building or a bridge. To draw a parallel, a forest construction site could be fenced off like any other construction site, banning access to the area. It is unrealistic to expect that the condition of a forest, and indeed any other part of nature, can be conserved. Natural ecosystems are dynamic units that change constantly throughout time. In the Republic of Croatia, forests managed on a close-to-nature principle have undergone at least two, and some even three, complete lifecycles from their emergence to the final cut. This means that all stages have gone through this cycle, from a young forest only several centimetres tall, to an old forest with trees up to 30-40 metres tall. The average human lifespan today in our homeland of 78 years is just over half the lifespan of 140 years prescribed for pedunculate oak forests, and about three-quarters of the lifespan of 100 years prescribed for beech forests. It is normal that a resident or a visitor to a forest area overlooks the changes taking place in old forests which are not as drastic as those taking place when an old forest is replaced by a young forest. It is interesting that people rejoice when a new baby is born and is growing up, but are not happy when a new forest is born which foresters endeavour to make even better than the old one. An old proverb says "the world belongs to the young". It is only logical that the same applies to forests. New forests will provide multiple benefits for new generations. Just imagine what it would be like of all present-day forests were two or more hundred years old (as is the completely protected forest of Prašnik, where very few old pedunculate oak trees are left, while younger hornbeam trees predominate below them, which in fact leads to the disappearance of the principal tree species). We would have forests full of diseased, useless trees. The wood industry would remain without the raw material for their work, and people would consequently be left without employment in the wood industry or without numerous wood products. Another essential fact in the light of climate change is that the largest carbon sinks are created in forests younger than 140 years, after which carbon input decreases. Another question to ask is why general concern about Croatian forests focuses only on state forests, while private forest owned by small forest owners, who make up one fourth of the overall forest complex, are the scene of all those actions that mimic the condition deplored by the Associations mentioned earlier. The age structure of the owners, unsolved property and legal relations, neglected and out-of-date cadastres and land registers, fragmented property, as well as inadequate legal solutions and the lack of organized guard service largely contribute to such a state. The development of technology has provided various benefits and advantages to modern-day life, but also a number of disadvantages. Fast transfer of information has made it possible to gain an insight into different activities and professions, which has in turn created a false idea among people that they understand how all spheres of life function. Thus, many visitors to forests have become forestry experts and have been given an opportunity to express their views on the matter in the media. What is worse, such "experts" are believed more than the professionals who have been educated in the profession and have acquired experience through practice. Off-the-cuff and easily made accusations take the headlines and become the accepted truth, do denials are completely ignored and go unnoticed. Who is responsible for giving the public accurate and truthful information? There are individuals in every profession who do not work well or who make wrong moves, but this does not mean that generalisations can be made and conclusions passed on the basis of those few. Regrettably, today's prevailing negativist journalism creates the conditions of distrust in any activity or profession, which is certainly not good and may become even worse in the future. A young forest that will soon mature and become visible even to a non-forester's eye, both on the frequently criticized Sljeme felling sites and all over Our Beautiful Homeland, will prove that the forestry profession exists and does its job thoroughly and successfully. In essence, this is the most important thing in the whole story. Such young and tended forests take up large areas, but are not recognized by a non-expert eye.Editorial Board

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.

U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.