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This article continues the investigation on the relationships between science and social engineering. We inquire and critically analyze the ideas of P. Feyerabend on the social possibilities of science, political role of scientific experts and social engineers. The objective of the article is the reconstruction of Feyerabend's reception of science and its socio-political role, then, the presentation of Feyerabend's counter-arguments against Popper's rationalism and the project of social engineering. According to Feyerabend, an open and free society is the society where every (cultural, religious, epistemological etc.) tradition is provided with equal rights and equal possibilities. Any attempt to impose the standards of one tradition on the others rejects the idea of freedom and liberty. Science is only one epistemological traditions among others, therefore, in a free society scientific standard cannot dominate over the standards of the other traditions. Thus, Feyerabend interprets Popper's idea of scientifically grounded social engineering as politically harmful, misleading and incompatible with the requirements of a free society.

This article continues the investigation on the relationships between science and social engineering. We inquire and critically analyze the ideas of P. Feyerabend on the social possibilities of science, political role of scientific experts and social engineers. The objective of the article is the reconstruction of Feyerabend's reception of science and its socio-political role, then, the presentation of Feyerabend's counter-arguments against Popper's rationalism and the project of social engineering. According to Feyerabend, an open and free society is the society where every (cultural, religious, epistemological etc.) tradition is provided with equal rights and equal possibilities. Any attempt to impose the standards of one tradition on the others rejects the idea of freedom and liberty. Science is only one epistemological traditions among others, therefore, in a free society scientific standard cannot dominate over the standards of the other traditions. Thus, Feyerabend interprets Popper's idea of scientifically grounded social engineering as politically harmful, misleading and incompatible with the requirements of a free society.

The main objective of this article is critical reconsideration of Popper's ideas, concerning the influence of science on society and the social engineering. Our aim is the reconstruction of Popper's counter-arguments against utopian social engineering and arguments for rational and scientific control of open society with the help of the piecemeal social engineering. He claims that the open society has many features in common with the science: both are based upon critical thinking, both are ready to admit their mistakes, both progress through critical discussion. If, according to Popper, reason is the only alternative to violence so far discovered, then the politics of the open society is strongly dependent on the science. Science provides methods and ideas for piecemeal social engineering that successfully solves majority of social and political problems. Therefore, without science, a society cannot be open. We seek at the critical evaluation of practical possibilities to exercise piecemeal social engineering and its obstructions.

The main objective of this article is critical reconsideration of Popper's ideas, concerning the influence of science on society and the social engineering. Our aim is the reconstruction of Popper's counter-arguments against utopian social engineering and arguments for rational and scientific control of open society with the help of the piecemeal social engineering. He claims that the open society has many features in common with the science: both are based upon critical thinking, both are ready to admit their mistakes, both progress through critical discussion. If, according to Popper, reason is the only alternative to violence so far discovered, then the politics of the open society is strongly dependent on the science. Science provides methods and ideas for piecemeal social engineering that successfully solves majority of social and political problems. Therefore, without science, a society cannot be open. We seek at the critical evaluation of practical possibilities to exercise piecemeal social engineering and its obstructions.

The main objective of this article is critical reconsideration of Popper's ideas, concerning the influence of science on society and the social engineering. Our aim is the reconstruction of Popper's counter-arguments against utopian social engineering and arguments for rational and scientific control of open society with the help of the piecemeal social engineering. He claims that the open society has many features in common with the science: both are based upon critical thinking, both are ready to admit their mistakes, both progress through critical discussion. If, according to Popper, reason is the only alternative to violence so far discovered, then the politics of the open society is strongly dependent on the science. Science provides methods and ideas for piecemeal social engineering that successfully solves majority of social and political problems. Therefore, without science, a society cannot be open. We seek at the critical evaluation of practical possibilities to exercise piecemeal social engineering and its obstructions.

The main objective of this article is critical reconsideration of Popper's ideas, concerning the influence of science on society and the social engineering. Our aim is the reconstruction of Popper's counter-arguments against utopian social engineering and arguments for rational and scientific control of open society with the help of the piecemeal social engineering. He claims that the open society has many features in common with the science: both are based upon critical thinking, both are ready to admit their mistakes, both progress through critical discussion. If, according to Popper, reason is the only alternative to violence so far discovered, then the politics of the open society is strongly dependent on the science. Science provides methods and ideas for piecemeal social engineering that successfully solves majority of social and political problems. Therefore, without science, a society cannot be open. We seek at the critical evaluation of practical possibilities to exercise piecemeal social engineering and its obstructions.

The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.

The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.

The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.

The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.

On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.

On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.

On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.

On purpose to analyse a certain part of social world it is useful to apply a concept of field introduced in the field theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Field is a structure of relations between the objective positions occupied by its agents. Lithuanian political science field was chosen as the object of the research. The main problem analysed in the article is the "origin" of different perceptions of political science If only individual experience affects these perceptions, how could we explain the fact that some beliefs are more typical to certain groups of scientists and are not inherent to other groups? The investigation using semi-structuralized survey method was executed. Eighty-eight Lithuanian political scientists took part in the research. Received data was analysed by multiple correspondence analysis technique and other methods of statistical analysis. It was identified that those political scientists who own the highest academic and scientific capital tend to support a vision of political science not oriented towards practical politics. These results might be interpreted as demonstrating the above mentioned interests to impose such perceptions of political science which could be the most useful to the scientists and as confirming the hypothesis of the research.