The aim of the publication is to present selected forecasting problems in social sciences. The article focused on the method of decision-making/simulation games that, especially with the development of game theory and computers, have increasingly been used in many fields. Using examples of decision/simulation games - Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E - and the online game EVE Online, the author recognised the importance of such exercises in an accurate prediction of the future. He drew special attention to the element of chance and confounding factors that may destabilise the process of prediction. He also raised the problem of decision-making in the context of classical and quantum logic. ; Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów prognozowania w naukach społecznych. W artykule skoncentrowano się na metodzie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych, które – zwłaszcza wraz z rozwojem teorii gier oraz komputerów – są coraz częściej wykorzystywane w wielu dziedzinach. Na wybranych przykładach gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych – Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E. a także gry sieciowej EVE Online – wskazano jak ważne są takie ćwiczenia, by móc precyzyjniej przewidywać przyszłość. Zwrócono także szczególną uwagę na kwestię przypadku oraz czynników zakłócających, które mogą destabilizować proces przewidywania. Poruszono ponadto problem podejmowania decyzji w aspekcie klasycznej oraz kwantowej logiki.
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie działalności Polskiego Towarzystwa Nauk Politycznych z zaznaczeniem ukierunkowania na sprawy internacjonalizacji. Od początku swojej działalności PTNP współpracowało z IPSA. W Polsce powstało wiele cennych publikacji przestawiających historię i stan obecny politologii w Polsce. Szczególnie ważnym dla polskiej politologii wydarzeniem była organizacja światowego kongresu politologii w lipcu 2016 r. Ważne miejsce zajmują także polskie czasopisma naukowe, które w ostatnich latach podlegają silnej internacjonalizacji. Przed PTNP stoi wiele wyzwań i możliwości podejmowania kolejnych działań, które sprzyjają dalszemu rozwojowi i promocji nauki w kraju i zagranicą. ; The aim of the article is to present the activities of the Polish Political Science Association, underlining the issues of internationalization. Since the beginning the organization, PPSA has been cooperating with IPSA. Many valuable publications regarding history and contemporary situation of Political Science have been published in Poland. Particularly important for Polish political science was the organization of the World Congress of Political Science in July 2016. The Polish scientific journals, that have been strongly internalized in recent years, take an important place nowadays. Polish Political Science Association has to face many challenges and take new possibilities in further activities that encourage further development and promotion. ; Publikacja sfinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politologicznych UŁ.
In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.
In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.
The article is an attempt at presentation how basic notions and ferms used by sociology of organization function in other sciences dealing with problems of organization as eg. praxiology, theory of organization and «management or psychology of organization. General reflections are concentrated around various ways of understanding of the notion of "organization" and around the so-called concept of system analysis of organization. The author advocates understand of organization as a set of rules of action or rules of functioning of groups or other human communities. He represents an opinion that organization cannot be identified in sociology with institution assi there are essential differences between them. The author attempts to present a relationship between organization and institution in sociolo¬ gical aspect on the grounds of (the proposed way of interpreting the notion of organization. The article includes critical remarks on the so-called system approach in sciences on organization. It is found that in most of the oases the system approach functions only as a language formation unable to contribuite any methodological qualities but a new slang. Treating the system approach as a new methodological directive assumes a p r i o r i , that any organization is a system which does not always correspond to social reality. For there are organizations not fulfilling their statute goals because they do not function as a system. The final part of reflections is an attempt at presentation of tasks of sociology in analysing organizations and explicating those mechanisms for the sake of practice which cause organizations to function as an integrated whole, as a social system. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Jednym z fundamentalnych przedmiotów badań nauki o polityce pozostaje niezmiennie język polityki (w swoich licznych odmianach i formach). Analiza naukowa tego przedmiotu badań przysparza jednak politologii nadal szereg problemów, wynikających z nieprzystawalności metod językoznawstwa do funkcji i zadań współczesnej nauki o polityce. Pojawia się więc potrzeba wypracowania politologicznej metody analizy tekstu, która to metoda pozwoliłaby – za pomocą języka – odkryć i wyeksponować założenia kształtujące orientacje i postawy podmiotów politycznych, czyli treści tworzące ogólną przestrzeń polityczną. Propozycją odpowiedzi na to zapotrzebowanie jest prezentowana w artykule metoda, wyróżniająca trzy podstawowe poziomy analizy: konwencjonalną warstwę tekstu, opisową oraz presupozycjalną. Na przykładzie analizy inauguracyjnych orędzi polskich prezydentów, ukazano specyfikę poszczególnych wymiarów: determinant sytuacyjny (na pierwszym poziomie), kreację treści korzystnych wizerunkowo (na poziomie deskryptywnym), wreszcie – najistotniejszy dla politologa – mechanizm odkrywania założeń ukrytych na poziomie presupozycjalnym. ; The language of politics (in its numerous variations and forms) continues to be one of the fundamental objects of political science research. The academic analysis of this object of research, however, continues to generate considerable difficulties for political science as a result of the incompatibility of language studies methodology with the function and tasks of modern political science. Therefore, there emerges a need to develop a method of text analysis for political science that will allow us to use language to discover and present the assumptions that shape the attitudes and ideologies of political entities, or in other words – the content of general political environment. This paper responds to this need by presenting a method that distinguishes three basic levels of analysis: a conventional layer of text, a descriptive one and a presuppositional one. Analyzing the inaugural addresses given by Polish presidents the specificity of their individual dimensions is presented: the situational determinant (level one), the creation of content to boost image (on a descriptive level), and – most importantly to the political scientist – a mechanism revealing the assumptions concealed at the presuppositional level.
The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.
The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.
The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.
The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.
The subject of the study is the Bologna Process, its assumptions and course. The article contains an analysis of the Act on university education and science in order to indicate solutions for the harmonization in Poland under the Bologna movement. This movement is characterized as an example of European integration (harmonization) in the sphere of higher education, which was initiated by the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999. The main idea behind this declaration was the joint creation of the European Higher Education Area. The process initiated then goes beyond the scope of activities undertaken only by European Union governments. The analysis covers the following parts: The scope of the Bologna Process, Further European actors and the Sorbonne Declaration, The Bologna Process today, Implementation barriers was well as criticism. An integral part of the work is the Bologna Process and the Constitution for Science (Law on university education and science). ; skinder@ukw.edu.pl ; Marcin Skinder – zajmuje się naukowo i dydaktycznie zagadnieniami politycznymi i prawnymi kwestii społecznych oraz szkolnictwa wyższego. Szczególne miejsce w jego zainteresowaniach badawczych zajmuje Proces Boloński jako czynnik rozwoju europejskiego szkolnictwa wyższego. Był uczestnikiem stażu naukowego w University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). W 2019 roku uzyskał stopień doktora habilitowanego w zakresie nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce na Wydziale Politologii Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Opublikował kilka książek. ; Marcin Skinder – scientifically and academically deals with political and legal social issues and higher education. A special place in his research interests is occupied by the Bologna Process as a factor in the development of European higher education. He participated in a research internship at University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). In 2019, he received a post-doctoral degree (habilitation) in the field of social sciences in the discipline of political science at the Faculty of Political Science of the Pedagogical University of Krakow. Author of several books. ; Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Polska ; Antonowicz D., Jaworska M., Tajemnicze rady uczelni, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Antonowicz D., Uniwersytet przyszłości. 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This article is an attempt to address a question of significance of the borderland as a research category in the Polish political science. The authors use information collected in the survey conducted among 223 polish political scientists, who were asked about the importance and explanatory potential of the borderland concept in the political analysis. Since the response rate was low it is impossible to make any generalizations concerning the whole academia of the Polish political science, thus the text is merely a synthesis of the opinions of those who have responded. According to this data, the category of borderland is an important and useful tool in the political analysis, due to its close connection with the changes of the contemporary world like globalization, deteritorialization and regionalization. The borderland category is especially significant in the reflection on the changing status of nation-states and functions of state borders. The article also outlines the basic research themes within which the concept of borderland is employed by the political scientists. The authors conclude with a few methodological and theoretical postulates on applying the category of borderland in political science. ; Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę kategorii pogranicza w polskiej politologii. Opiera się na informacjach uzyskanych w ankiecie skierowanej do 223 polskich politologów, w której zapytano ich o wagę oraz eksplanacyjny potencjał kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej. Niski poziom responsywności uniemożliwia dokonanie generalizacji na całe środowisko politologiczne, dlatego tekst niniejszy jest jedynie syntezą opinii politologów, którzy odpowiedzieli na naszą ankietę. Kategoria pogranicza przedstawiona jest jako ważna i przydatna w analizie politologicznej, przede wszystkim ze względu na jej integralny związek ze współcześnie zachodzącymi zmianami, takimi jak globalizacja, deterytorializacja i regionalizacja. Pogranicze jest szczególnie istotną kategorią w politologicznej refleksji nad zmianą statusu państw narodowych oraz zmieniającą się funkcją granic państwowych. W tekście wyodrębniono również podstawowe konteksty badawcze, w jakich politolodzy wykorzystują pojęcie pogranicza. W końcowej części artykułu autorzy formułują postulaty teoretyczno-metodologiczne dotyczące stosowania kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej.
In the context of the challenges posed by the intensifying effects of climate change and the growing international importance of the Arctic, the question about relationship between scientists and diplomats and political decision-makers in process of shaping and implementing foreign policy has been emerging. This article – based on the concept of scientific diplomacy and analysis of selected examples of interactions between the world of science and world of foreign policy in the Arctic region – indicates the two-dimensional nature of a scientific diplomacy. On the one hand, there is a national dimension – oriented towards the realization of state's own interests and on the other there is an international dimension oriented towards developing regional cooperation and solving common problems. This specific nature of scientific diplomacy means that it can be perceived both as a instrument of rivalry and a mechanism of cooperation in contemporary international relations. ; W kontekście wyzwań wynikających z nasilających się następstw zmian klimatu oraz wzrostu międzynarodowego znaczenia regionu Arktyki pojawia się istotne zagadnienie specyfiki relacji zachodzących współcześnie między naukowcami a dyplomatami oraz politykami w zakresie kształtowania oraz realizowania polityki zagranicznej państwa. W artykule w oparciu o koncepcję dyplomacji naukowej oraz analizę wybranych przykładów interakcji pomiędzy światem nauki oraz polityki zagranicznej w Arktyce wskazuje się na dwuwymiarowy charakter dyplomacji naukowej. Z jednej strony jest to wymiar narodowy – ukierunkowany na realizację partykularnych interesów państw, z drugiej zaś wymiar międzynarodowy – służący rozwojowi współpracy regionalnej i rozwiązywaniu wspólnych problemów. Ta specyficzna natura dyplomacji naukowej oznacza, iż stanowić może ona we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych zarówno instrument rywalizacji, jak też mechanizm współpracy.
The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Nowadays, most people use the Internet and social media. However, the Internet is a space in which there are various types of violations that are difficult to counteract with the use of legal institutions and tools, which are often not compatible with the fast-developing environment. The COVID-19 pandemic, which forced people to rearrange their lives in all fields and often move a significant part of their activities to the network, intensified negative phenomena including spreading false and socially harmful information. This article is an original reflection on the effectiveness of Polish legislation against the backdrop of the current activities of European Union bodies aimed at increasing the security of Internet users on the example of counteracting the dissemination of misinformation. In the author's opinion, both national and EU authorities do not seem to be interested in searching for alternatives based on technological solutions that could foster prevention of such infringements on the Internet, but rather focus on improving conventional protection models, whose effectiveness seems to be questionable. The article aims to start an interdisciplinary debate on the possibility to reduce the number of negative phenomena in the social media environment using blockchain technology, including the discussion on the possibility of developing appropriate regulations in this regard. ; W dzisiejszych czasach większość społeczeństwa korzysta z Internetu i rozwijających się tam social mediów. Internet jest jednak przestrzenią, w której bezsprzecznie dochodzi do różnego rodzaju naruszeń, którym trudno przeciwdziałać przy wykorzystaniu instytucji i narzędzi prawnych, często nieprzystających do dynamicznie rozwijającego się środowiska. Pandemia COVID-19, która zmusiła do przeorganizowania życia ludzi na wszystkich polach i przeniesienia go nierzadko do sieci, nasiliła negatywne zjawiska, w tym rozpowszechnianie nieprawdziwych i szkodliwych społecznie informacji. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera oryginalne rozważania na temat skuteczności polskiego ustawodawstwa na tle dotychczasowej działalności organów Unii Europejskiej ukierunkowanej na zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa użytkowników Internetu na przykładzie przeciwdziałania rozpowszechniania nieprawdziwych informacji. Zdaniem autorki zarówno organy krajowe, jak i organy unijne nie wydają się być zainteresowane poszukiwaniem alternatyw opierających się na rozwiązaniach technologicznych, które mogłyby sprzyjać zapobieganiu dalszym naruszeniom w Internecie, a raczej są skoncentrowane na udoskonaleniu konwencjonalnych modeli ochronnych, których skuteczność wydaje się dyskusyjna. Celem artykułu jest rozpoczęcie interdyscyplinarnego dyskursu na temat szansy zmniejszenia ilości negatywnych zjawisk w środowisku social mediów przy użyciu technologii blockchain, nie wyłączając podjęcia dyskusji na temat możliwości opracowania odpowiednich przepisów w tym zakresie.
