Suchergebnisse

Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

ABSTRACT Objectives: this theoretical essay aims to present classic and contemporary fundamentals of the optimal tax theory (OTT) and to problematize its presence and possibilities in the scenario of tax policy in Brazil. Context: such objectives are located in the contemporary context that discusses tax reforms aimed at efficient and socially responsible public management. Methods: after surveying the state of knowledge of optimal taxation in Brazil, and from the perspective of economics and political law, we sought to identify secondary data on tax distribution in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries in relational analysis with data from Brazil. Results: the text draws attention to the fact that OTT is able to bring social issues to the discussion of public tax management policies in a structured way, with the perspective of inclusion and social responsibility, based on the importance of different treatment of economic agents, physical and legal, based on their needs and possibilities. Conclusion: it is concluded that, like in other countries, OTT is present in the Brazilian debate expressing as possible and necessary to advance in a tax policy that responds to the needs of public collection articulated and reconciled to social well-being through responsible management, modern and transparent.

Background Humans are regularly exposed to metals and metalloids present in air, water, food, soil and domestic materials. Most of them can cross the placental barrier and cause adverse impacts on the developing foetus. Objectives To describe the prenatal concentrations of metals and metalloids and to study the associated sociodemographic, environmental and dietary factors in pregnant Spanish women. Methods Subjects were 1346 pregnant women of the INMA Project, for whom the following metals arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), cobalt (Co), copper (Cu), molybdenum (Mo), nickel (Ni), lead (Pb), antimony (Sb), selenium (Se), thallium (Tl) and zinc (Zn) were determined in urine, at both the first and the third trimesters of gestation. Sociodemographic, dietary and environmental information was collected through questionnaires during pregnancy. Multiple linear mixed models were built in order to study the association between each metal and metalloid concentrations and the sociodemographic, environmental and dietary factors. Results The most detected compounds were As, Co, Mo, Sb, Se and Zn at both trimesters. Zn was the element found in the highest concentrations at both trimesters and Tl was detected in the lowest concentrations. We observed significant associations between As, Cd, Cu, Sb, Tl and Zn concentrations and working situation, social class and age. Seafood, meat, fruits, nuts, vegetables and alcohol intake affected the levels of all the metals but Cd and Cu. Proximity to industrial areas, fields and air pollution were related to all metals except Cd, Sb and Se. Conclusions This is the first large prospective longitudinal study on the exposure to metals and metalloids during pregnancy and associated factors to include several cohorts in Spain. The present study shows that some modifiable lifestyles, food intakes and environmental factors could be associated with prenatal exposure to metal(loid)s, which may be considered in further studies to assess their relationship with neonatal health outcomes. ; This study was funded by Grants from EU (FP7-ENV-2011 cod 282957 and HEALTH.2010.2.4.5–1); Spain: ISCIII (Red INMA G03/176, CB06/02/0041; FIS-FEDER: PI03/1615, PI04/1509, PI04/1112, PI04/1931, PI05/1079, PI05/1052, PI06/0867, PI06/1213, PI07/0314, PI09/00090, PI09/02647, PI11/01007, PI11/02591, PI11/02038, PI13/1944, PI13/2032, PI13/02187, PI14/00891, PI14/01687, PI16/1288, PI17/00663, PI18/01142 and PI19/1338; Miguel Servet FEDER MS15/00025, MS20/0006, CPII16/00051, and FIS-FSE: 17/ 00260); CIBERESP; Generalitat Valenciana: FISABIO (UGP 15–230, UGP-15-244, and UGP-15-249), AICO/2020/285, and Alicia Koplowitz Foundation 2017; Generalitat de Catalunya-CIRIT 1999SGR 00241; Department of Health of the Basque Government (2005111093, 2009111069, 2013111089 and 2015111065); Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa (DFG06/002, DFG08/001 and DFG15/221). We acknowledge support from the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities through the "Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa 2019–2023" Programme (CEX2018000806-S), and from the Generalitat de Catalunya through the CERCA Programme, as well as the municipalities in the study area. ; Peer reviewed

6 figures, 6 tables.-- Supplementary material available. ; Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID19), caused by SARS-CoV-2, is a complex disease, with a variety of clinical manifestations ranging from asymptomatic infection or mild cold-like symptoms to more severe cases requiring hospitalization and critical care. The most severe presentations seem to be related with a delayed, deregulated immune response leading to exacerbated inflammation and organ damage with close similarities to sepsis. ; [Methods]: In order to improve the understanding on the relation between host immune response and disease course, we have studied the differences in the cellular (monocytes, CD8+ T and NK cells) and soluble (cytokines, chemokines and immunoregulatory ligands) immune response in blood between Healthy Donors (HD), COVID19 and a group of patients with non-COVID19 respiratory tract infections (NON-COV-RTI). In addition, the immune response profile has been analyzed in COVID19 patients according to disease severity. ; [Results]: In comparison to HDs and patients with NON-COV-RTI, COVID19 patients show a heterogeneous immune response with the presence of both activated and exhausted CD8+ T and NK cells characterised by the expression of the immune checkpoint LAG3 and the presence of the adaptive NK cell subset. An increased frequency of adaptive NK cells and a reduction of NK cells expressing the activating receptors NKp30 and NKp46 correlated with disease severity. Although both activated and exhausted NK cells expressing LAG3 were increased in moderate/severe cases, unsupervised cell clustering analyses revealed a more complex scenario with single NK cells expressing more than one immune checkpoint (PD1, TIM3 and/or LAG3). A general increased level of inflammatory cytokines and chemokines was found in COVID19 patients, some of which like IL18, IL1RA, IL36B and IL31, IL2, IFNα and TNFα, CXCL10, CCL2 and CCL8 were able to differentiate between COVID19 and NON-COV-RTI and correlated with bad prognosis (IL2, TNFα, IL1RA, CCL2, CXCL10 and CXCL9). Notably, we found that soluble NKG2D ligands from the MIC and ULBPs families were increased in COVID19 compared to NON-COV-RTI and correlated with disease severity. ; [Conclusions:] Our results provide a detailed comprehensive analysis of the presence of activated and exhausted CD8+T, NK and monocyte cell subsets as well as extracellular inflammatory factors beyond cytokines/chemokines, specifically associated to COVID19. Importantly, multivariate analysis including clinical, demographical and immunological experimental variables have allowed us to reveal specific immune signatures to i) differentiate COVID19 from other infections and ii) predict disease severity and the risk of death. ; The authors would like to thank the Biobank of the Aragon Health System integrated in the Spanish National Biobanks Network and the Servicios Científico Técnicos de Citometria de Flujo del CIBA for their collaboration. Work in the JP laboratory is funded by the FEDER (Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional, Gobierno de Aragón, Group B29_17R), Health National Institute Carlos III (COV20-00308), Aragón Government (Fondo COVID-19), Fundación Santander-Universidad de Zaragoza (Programa COVID-19), Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R; PID2020-113963RBI00), Fundación Inocente, ASPANOA and Carrera de la Mujer de Monzón. EMG is funded by Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R and PID2020-113963RB-I00). IUM and SH are supported by a PhD fellowship from Aragon Government, CP by a PhD fellowship from AECC, LS by a PhD fellowship (FPI) from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. DDM is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Sara Borrell', and MA is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Juan de la Cierva-incorporacion' from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. EM and BGT are supported by Rio Hortega contract. JP is supported by the ARAID Foundation. ; Peer reviewed

This work was funded by the project CTQ2017-87076-R from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation. Julia Maldonado-Valderrama and Teresa del Castillo-Santaella acknowledge financialsupport from project RTI2018-101309-B-C21. The authors are also very grateful to F. Javier Espejo-Carpio and Marta Padial-Dominguez for providing the whey and blue whiting protein hydrolysates. Funding for open access charge: Universidad de Granada/CBUA. ; This work investigates the influence of the interfacial properties of whey protein (WPH) and blue whiting protein (BPH) hydrolysates on the physical stability of fish oil-in-water emulsions stabilized with these hydrolysates at pH 2 or 8. Measurements of interfacial tension and dilatational rheology confirmed that pH is a key factor affecting these interfacial properties of WPH and BPH. WPH, when tested at 1 and 10 mg/mL, showed a higher interfacial activity at pH 8 when compared to pH 2 or to BPH at pH 8 or 2, despite having a lower protein content. Moreover, when tested at 0.1 and 1 mg/mL, the dilatational modulus of WPH was significantly higher at pH 8 than at pH 2. These findings correlate with the formation of smaller oil droplets and a more resistant interfacial peptide layer for WPH at pH 8, hence explaining the improved physical stability of the 5% fish oil-in water emulsion stabilized with WPH at pH 8. BPH did not show significant differences in interfacial activity with pH but exhibited significantly higher dilatational elasticity and viscosity at pH 2 compared to pH 8 (when measured at 0.1 mg/mL and 0.01 or 0.1 Hz). This correlates with the formation of stable 5% fish oil-in-water emulsions with BPH at pH 2 but not at pH 8. ; Spanish Government CTQ2017-87076-R

This study provides new knowledge on the mobility, behavior, and partitioning of 17 perfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) in the water-sediment-plant system along the Dongzhulong and Xiaoqing Rivers. The fate of PFASs in these rivers is also discussed. The study area is affected by the industrial production of perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA). The ∑PFASs in water and sediments close to the industrial discharge were 84,000 ± 2000 ng/L and 2300 ± 200 ng/g dw, respectively, with the concentrations decreasing along the river due to dilution. PFOA was the dominant compound (74–97% of the ∑PFASs), although other PFASs were identified close to urban areas. Principal component analysis and solid-liquid distribution coefficients revealed that long-chain PFASs accumulated in the sediment whereas short-chain PFASs remained in the water all along the river. PFASs were taken up by plants and remobilized to different plant compartments according to shoot concentration factors (SCFs), root concentration factors (RCF), and transfer factors (TFs). Among the four plant species studied, floating plants absorbed high levels of PFASs, while rooted species translocated short-chain PFASs from the roots to the shoots. Therefore, floating species, due to their high uptake capacity and large proliferation rate, could eventually be used for phytoremediation. ; Pere Colomer Vidal acknowledges the funding from the European Union Europe Aid 'SEW-REAP' project [ECRIP ICI+/2014/348–010]. The Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation under the grant PID2019–105732GB-C21 and the Local Innovative and Research Teams Project of the Guangdong Pearl River Talents Program (2017BT01Z134) provided financial support. Dr. Chunling Luo would like to thank the support from the Ten Thousand Talent Program of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPC. This work was carried out at the facilities of the Guangzhou Institute of Geochemistry. ; Peer reviewed

In Canada today the children's book publishing scene is quite different from what it used to be in the 1970s and 1980s. Even if most publishers are small and rely heavily on federal grants the sheer range of publishing houses featuring the multicultural composition of the country and catering for children and young adults is vast. The pendulum covers houses such as Annick Press, Fifth house, Second Story, or Theytus Books. The situation forty years ago though was radically different. In those days one of the ground-breaking houses was Groundwood Books. In this article we intend to look into the origins of the project, the wider political, social and cultural context, and three works by minority voices which clearly marked the publishing house's profile and aspirations (Paul Yee's Tales from Gold Mountain, Thomas King's controversial A Coyote Columbus Story and Shirley Sterling's My Name is Seepeetza). ; En la actualidad la publicación de libros para niños en Canadá es bastante distinta de la que imperaba en los años 70 y 80. Si bien todavía de tamaño pequeño y dependientes de subsidios federales, el número de casas editoriales que publican literatura para niños y jóvenes centrada en temáticas multiculturales ha experimentado un crecimiento notable. El rango es amplio e incluye nombres tales como Annick Press, Fifth house, Second Story, y Theytus Books. La situación hace cuarenta años era, sin embargo, radicalmente diferente. En aquellos días una de las casas innovadoras era Groundwood Books. En este artículo pretendemos analizar los orígenes del proyecto editorial, el contexto político, social y cultural del país, y tres obras de voces minoritarias que claramente marcaron el perfil y las aspiraciones de la editorial (Tales from Gold Mountain, de Paul Yee, A Coyote Columbus Story, de Thomas King y My Name is Seepeetza, de Shirley Sterling). Nuestro objetivo es entonces examinar el papel desempeñado por Groundwood Books en la promoción de una nueva poética en la literatura infantil y juvenil en el marco más amplio del proceso de construcción de la nación canadiense. ; Hoje no Canadá a cena de publicação de livros infantis é bem diferente do que costumava ser nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Mesmo que a maioria dos editores seja pequena e dependa fortemente de subsídios federais, a enorme variedade de editoras que ilustram a composição multicultural do país para crianças e jovens adultos é vasta. A gama abrange editores como Annick Press, Fifth house, Second Story, or Theytus Books. A situação, há quarenta anos, era radicalmente diferente. Naqueles dias uma das editoras inovadoras era Groundwood Books. Pretendemos examinar neste artigo as origens do projeto, o mais amplo contexto político, social e cultural, e três obras de vozes minoritárias que marcaram claramente o perfil e as aspirações da editora (Tales from Gold Mountain, de Paul Yee, A Coyote Columbus Story, de Thomas King e My Name is Seepeetza, de Shirley Sterling). Nosso objetivo, portanto, é examinar o papel desempenhado pela Groundwood Books na promoção de uma nova poética nos livros infantis dentro da estrutura do processo de construção do Canadá. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

This work assesses the capacity of a microalgae-based system to remove three highly to medium polar pesticides typically found in freshwater: acetamiprid, bentazone, and propanil. Degradation of the pesticides was firstly studied individually at batch lab-scale reactors and abiotic and heated-killed controls were employed to clarify their removal pathways. At lab-scale, propanil and acetamiprid were completely removed after 7 days whereas bentazone was not removed. Four and two transformation products (TPs) were generated in the biodegradation process for acetamiprid and propanil, respectively. Then, the simultaneous removal of the pesticides was assessed in an outdoor pilot photobioreactor, operated with a hydraulic residence time of 8 days. During the steady-state, high removal efficiencies were observed for propanil (99%) and acetamiprid (71%). The results from batch experiments suggest that removal is mainly caused by algal-mediated biodegradation. Acetamiprid TPs raised throughout the operational time in the photobioreactor, while no propanil TP was detected at the pilot-scale. This suggests complete mineralization of propanil or residual formation of its TPs at concentrations below the analytical method detection limit. Aiming at biomass valorization, diverse microalgae harvesting methods were investigated for biomass concentration, and the effect of residual pesticides on the biogas yield was determined by biochemical methane potential tests. Anaerobic digestion was not inhibited by the pesticides as verified by the digestion performance. The results highlight the potential of microalgae-based systems to couple nutrient removal, biomass production, micropollutant biodegradation, and biofuel production. ; This work has been supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness State Research Agency (CTM2016-75587-C2-1-R and CTM2016-75587-C2-2-R) and co-financed by the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the Horizon 2020 research and innovation WATERPROTECT project (727450). This work was also partly supported by the Generalitat de Catalunya (Consolidate Research Groups 2017-SGR-01404 and 2017-SGR-014) and the Ministry of Science and Innovation (Project CEX2018-000794-S). ; Peer reviewed

En el siguiente trabajo se examinan las representaciones de lo monstruoso en la narrativa fantástica chilena, particularmente en el formato cuento. Para ello se propone un análisis temático e histórico de esta vertiente desde el romanticismo político hasta la literatura reciente, siempre desde una mirada general pero enmarcada en una matriz de sentido fundada en el terror como manifestación estética. El estudio se fundamenta a través del análisis de las transgresiones del terror sobrenatural y las implicancias políticas y sociales que inciden en el sistema de representación chileno. Lo anterior con el propósito de reactualizar el canon nacional más allá del dominio mimético. ; The following work examines the representations of the monstrous in Chilean fantastic narrative, particularly in the short story format. For this purpose, a thematic and historical analysis of this aspect is proposed from political romanticism to recent literature, always from a general perspective but framed in a matrix of meaning based on terror as an aesthetic manifestation. The study is based on the analysis of the transgressions of supernatural terror and the political and social implications that affect the Chilean system of representation. The foregoing with the purpose of updating the national canon beyond the mimetic domain. ; Esta publicación es parte del proyecto de I+D+i PGC2018-093648-B-I00, financiado por MCIN/ AEI /10.13039/501100011033/ FEDER «Una manera de hacer Europa» - Estrategias y figuraciones de lo insólito. Manifestaciones del monstruo en la narrativa en lengua española (de 1980 a la actualidad).

Johtajat ja heidän kognitiot ovat kriittisessä roolissa yrityksen kansainvälistymisprosessissa ja sen muotoutumisessa ajan myötä. Vaikka keskeisimmät kansainvälistymistä koskevat teoriat tiedostavat tämän, ymmärrys ja aiempi tutkimus johtajien ja heidän kognitioiden roolista yrityksen kansainvälistymisprosessissa on yllättävän vähäistä. Aikaisempi tutkimus on keskittynyt tarkastelemaan yrityksen kansainvälistymisprosesseja erityisesti yrityksen ja toimialan tasoilla. Johtajat on nähty rationaalisina toimijoina eikä päätöksentekoa olla nähty merkityksellisenä osana yritysten kansainvälistymisprosesseja. Tutkimukset, jotka ovat huomioineet johtajien päätöksenteon roolin, ovat lähestyneet kysymystä hyvin rajallisista tieteenfilosofisista ja metodologisista lähtökohdista. Tämä on johtanut kapeaan ja yksipuoleiseen ymmärrykseen aiheesta, minkä vuoksi päätöksentekijöiden rooli on jäänyt epäselväksi. Puutteellinen ymmärrys päätöksentekijöiden roolista vaikeuttaa yrityksen kan-sainvälistymisprosessin ymmärtämistä kokonaisuutena, koska kansain-välistymisprosessia ohjaavat päätökset syntyvät lopulta aina johtajien toimesta. Tämä väitöskirja pyrkii avaamaan johtajien päätöksentekoprosessien roolia yrityksen kansainvälistymisessä ensiksi tutkimalla, kuinka kognitiiviset perustat vaikuttavat yrityksen kansainvälistymiseen ja toiseksi esittämällä keinoja, kuinka yrityksen kansainvälistymisen kognitiivisia perustoita voidaan tutkia tulevaisuudessa entistä paremmin. Näitä kysymyksiä lähestytään hyödyntämällä kahden kirjallisuuskatsauksen ja kahden tapaustutkimuksen tuloksia, jotka tarkastelevat yrityksen kansainvälistymisen kognitiivisia perustoita erilaisista teoreettisista tulokulmista. Ensimmäinen kirjallisuuskatsaus avaa kognitiivisesti suuntautuneen kansainvälistymis- tutkimuksen tilaa selvittämällä sekä tutkittuja että vähemmälle huomiolle jääneitä tutkimusalueita näin luoden yhtenäisempää ymmärrystä aiheesta. Toinen kirjallisuuskatsaus tutkii, miten aikaisempi kirjallisuus kansainvälisestä liiketoiminnasta on tarkastellut niitä kognitiivisia eroja, jotka nousevat johtajien kulttuurillisista, kansallisista, etnisistä ja geografisista taustatekijöistä. Kirjallisuuskatsaus integroi nämä löydökset osaksi laajempaan johtajien ja organisaatioiden kognitioihin liittyvää kirjallisuutta. Väitöskirjan ensimmäinen tapaustutkimus tarkastelee heuristisen päätöksenteon kehittymistä yrityksen kansainvälistymisen aikana sekä kontekstisidonnaisen kokemuksen roolia tässä prosessissa. Tutkimuksen löydökset osoittavat, että johtajat pystyvät valjastamaan heuristiikkojen hyödyt päätöksenteossa vasta, kun he ovat kerryttäneet riittävän määrän kontekstisidonnaista kokemusta ja kun sopiva ärsyke laukaisee kertyneen kokemuksen muutoksen käyttökelpoisiksi heuristiikoiksi. Toinen tapaustutkimus puolestaan käsittelee eri historiantutkimuksen menetelmien hyödyntämistä yritysten kansainvälistymisprosessien ja markkinoilta poistumisten temporaalisuuden ymmärtämisessä ja tutkimisessa. Tämä väitöskirja edistää kognitiivisesti suuntautunutta yrityksen kansainvälistymiskir-jallisuutta laaja-alaisesti. Se syventää ymmärrystä siitä, miten johtajien kognitiot muovaavat yrityksen kansainvälistymistä organisoimalla ja tuomalla yhteen aikaisemman tutkimuksen löydöksiä. Erilaisia tieteenfilosofisia tulokulmia hyödyntävät tapaustutkimukset puolestaan edistävät tutkimusta tuomalla esiin uusia piirteitä kognitioiden roolista yrityksen kansainvälistymisessä. Tämän lisäksi väitöskirja tarjoaa jatkotutkimukselle ideoita ja keinoja edistää alan tutkimusta tuomalla esiin kehityskohteita nykyisessä ymmärryksessä sekä havainnollistamalla, kuinka (1) subjektiiviset tutkimusotteet, (2) historialliset tutkimusmenetelmät ja (3) mikroperusteinen tulokulma tarjoavat hyödyntämättömiä mahdollisuuksia edistää alan tutkimusta. ; Individual managers and their cognitions play a crucial role in how a firm's internationalization process unfolds over time. While this is acknowledged in foundational theories of firm internationalization, our understanding of how managers and their cognitions shape the internationalization process remains surprisingly incomplete. This is because prior literature on firm internationalization mainly operates at the firm, industry, or national levels and assumes a relatively high level of managerial rationality, with few studies focusing on how managers and their decision-making processes shape firm internationalization. In addition, the studies that have addressed the cognitive foundations of firm internationalization have done so by drawing on a relatively narrow set of philosophical and methodological alternatives, thus generating a one-sided understanding of the matter. Consequently, scholarship on decision makers' roles in firms' internationalization processes remains underspecified and incomplete, which hampers the field's capacity to fully understand firms' international operations. This dissertation aims to unpack the black box of managers' roles in firm internationalization processes by investigating how cognitive foundations influence firm internationalization and showing how we can further advance the research on the cognitive foundations of firm internationalization in the future. The dissertation approaches these questions through two review studies and two case studies that explore the cognitive foundations of firm internationalization from different perspectives. The first review study investigates the current state of the research field by describing the research domains that have been studied and those that have been underexplored and thus provides an integrative understanding of the research on the cognitive foundations of firms' internationalization processes. The second review study explores how the existing literature has approached the cognitive differences that stem from decision makers' cultural, national, ethnical, and geographical characteristics and the influence that such differences have on firm internationalization processes and integrates these findings into the broader literature on managerial and organizational cognition. The first case study examines heuristic decision-making in firm internationalization and the role of context-specific experience in this process. It advances a theoretical model indicating that managers become able to harness the positive impact of heuristics in internationalization-related decision-making only after they have accumulated a certain level of context-specific experience and when this experience is triggered to transform into usable heuristics by a stimulus of an unexpected event. The second case study explores how different historical approaches can be used to analyze the temporal embeddedness of firms' internationalization and de-internationalization processes unfolding over time. This dissertation contributes to the literature on the cognitive foundations of firm internationalization in two ways. First, it improves the existing understanding of how cognitive foundations shape firm internationalization by reviewing the existing literature to generate integrative understanding of the topic and by empirically explicating novel ways of how cognitions drive internationalization via three philosophical perspectives— qualitative positivism, interpretivism, and poststructuralism. Second, it outlines ways to further advance the research on the cognitive foundations of firm internationalization by pointing out the research gaps that warrant further attention and by proposing that subjective approaches, historical research methods, and the microfoundational approach constitute productive avenues for future research.

Glyphosate is the active ingredient of some of the most highly produced and used herbicides worldwide. The intensive applications of glyphosate-based herbicides and its half-life in water lead to its presence in many aquatic ecosystems. Whereas recent studies have reported neurotoxic effects of glyphosate including autism-related effects, most of them used extremely high (mg/L to g/L) concentrations, so it is still unclear if chronic, low environmentally relevant concentrations of this compound (ng/L to μg/L) can induce neurotoxicity. In this study we analyzed the neurotoxicity of glyphosate in adult zebrafish after waterborne exposure to environmentally relevant concentrations (0.3 and 3 μg/L) for two weeks. Our data showed that exposed fish presented a significant impairment of exploratory and social behaviors consistent with increased anxiety. The anterior brain of the exposed fish presented a significant increase in dopamine and serotonin levels, as well as in the DOPAC/dopamine and homovanillic acid/dopamine turnover ratios. Moreover, the expression of genes involved in the dopaminergic system, as th1, th2, comtb, and scl6a3 was downregulated. Finally, the brain of exposed fish presented a significant increase in the catalase and superoxide dismutase activities, with a concomitant decrease of glutathione stores. These changes in the antioxidant defense system are consistent with the observed increase in oxidative stress, reflected by the increase in the levels of lipid peroxidation in the brain. The presented results show that current glyphosate concentrations commonly found in many aquatic ecosystems may have detrimental consequences on fish survival by decreasing exploration of the environment or altering social interactions. Furthermore, as zebrafish is also a vertebrate model widely used in human neurobehavioral studies, these results are relevant not only for environmental risk assessment, but also for understanding the risk of chronic low-dose exposures on human health. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Government with FEDER Funds (CTM2017-83242-R; D.R.) and the network of recognized research groups by the Catalan Government (2017 SGR_902). J.B. was supported by a Spanish fellowship PRE2018-083513. Mention of specific products or trade names does not indicate endorsement by the US federal government. ; Peer reviewed

Reclamation in Iraq was known in 1950s, where the problems salinity and water-logging are mainly apparent in the middle and south of Iraq. The early interventions in reclamation sectors was simple, not precise, or calibrated properly, hence, salinization and water-logging aggravated. Since the reclamation activities are time and resources consuming, which may last in several years, these are highlighting the fact that most of the beneficiaries could not afford the conducting of this activity. Therefore, Iraqi government take the decision in 1970s to carry out the reclamation and improve the agricultural processes vertically. There are millions of donums were reclaimed along Iraq. There are key steps adopted to conduct the sophisticated reclamation in order to get rid of salinity, lowering water table to acceptable depths, and prevent future salinization. The reclamation is not just an engineering project, the full reclamation are also may include, rural development, capacities building for operators and beneficiaries, educational development, research development, and social development. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-11-18 (alebob)

Abstract This study aims to analyze the moderating power of time of unemployment in the relationship between work values and psychological well-being. The sample consisted of 265 unemployed individuals, 77 men and 188 women with an average age of 27 years (SD = 7.21), with complete secondary education in 48% of the total sample. The following data collection instruments were applied: Positive and Negative Affect Schedule, the Flourishing Scale and the Work Intrinsic Values Scale. The results of hierarchical regression analyses show that time of unemployment acts as a moderator in the relationship between the work values and the psychological well-being, so that the longer the unemployment duration the greater the individual's psychological well-being. Consequently, the shorter the period of unemployment, more intense is the feeling of negative emotions. The result yield three important contributions: demonstration of the association between work values and psychological well-being of unemployed; identification that the period of unemployment is an important moderator to understand the unemployed well-being and review of the issue of unemployment in the social and political field in times of recession.

Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.