Mit [dem] Themenschwerpunkt versuch[t die Redaktion], nicht nur ein Bewußtsein der Bedeutung von Emigration und Remigration für die Disziplinentwicklung zu wecken, sondern auch einen weiteren Schritt in der Forschung zu tun, mit Fallstudien über lokale Entwicklungen, mit Analysen subdisziplinärer Kontinuitäts- und Diskontinuitätsmuster und mit personenbezogenen Studien über die Disziplinentwicklung nach 1945 in SBZ und DDR. Für die Pädagogik an der Frankfurter Universität (Feidel-Mertz/Lingelbach) wird eine paradigmatische Kontroverse zwischen eher gesellschaftskritischen und eher affirmativen Theorien sichtbar, die durch die politischen Ereignisse 1933 entschieden wird und einem gesellschaftskritischen Paradigma erst nach 1968/1970 wieder eine Chance einräumt (und eher nebenher werden auch die Differenzen zwischen nationalsozialistischer und nationalkonservativer Pädagogik am Exempel H. Weinstocks herausgearbeitet). An der Nachkriegsgeschichte von Besetzungsprozeduren an der Hamburger Universität kann Ch. Kersting nicht nur die unterschiedlichen Formen der Aufmerksamkeit für die Emigranten belegen (die man angesichts der Verdrängungs-These nicht erwartet hätte), sondern auch den Bedeutungswandel der Verdrängungsannahme selbst. […] Konzentriert auf eine Subdisziplin behandeln G. Miller-Kipp und M. Kipp - mit der Frage nach Theoriewandel bei Personenkontinuität […] die Theorie-Geschichte der Berufs- und Wirtschaftspädagogik […]. Die Beiträge von U. Wiegmann und G. Geissler erinnern schließlich daran, daß wir auch unsere bildungshistorischen Fragen an die Disziplin nicht mehr im Lichte der alten Ost-West-Trennung formulieren dürfen. Beide Beiträge zeigen aber, welche neuen Probleme und Schwierigkeiten sich damit stellen. (DIPF/Orig.)
Die Vertreibung von Tausenden von Wissenschaftlern durch das Dritte Reich bedeutete für die Universitäten und Technischen Hochschulen in Deutschland den Verlust eines beträchtlichen Teils ihres wissenschaftlichen Personals. Die Auswanderung und die Neuverwurzelung in Ländern, in denen die Vertriebenen trotz vieler Widerstände Aufnahme fanden, waren Teil des tiefen Unglücks, das 1933 Haß und Brutalität über die Welt brachte. Die Emigrationsgeschichte und die Exilforschung arbeiten seit Jahrzehnten daran, die Grundlagen für ein Verständnis dieser vielschichtigen Vorgänge zu schaffen.
Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate
Includes section "Book reviews." ; Papers of the annual meeting of the association issued as a separately paged supplement, 1959-1960. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web ; Published by the Southwestern Social Science Association (called 1919-Mar. 1923, Southwestern Political Science Association; Apr. 1923-Mar. 1931, Southwestern Political and Social Science Association)
The article concentrates on the most essential elements of a social science as research, whereby research is strictly interpreted as the verification of a theory in a particular field but neither as "theorie sans terrain" nor "terrain sans theorie". Yet even if this particular employment in the field of social science is explicitly conceived of as privileging the logic of discovery and the strictures of proof in opposite to all preconstructed themes, theories and traditions of different disciplines, it cannot simply be reduced to the standpoint of pure logic. Engagement for social science as reflexive research means to further its practical, political acceptance by using the results obtained from research, means fighting for her autonomisation in terms of contributing to the creation of appropriate forms of sociability for its activities and reception (such as the formation of a reading public, discussion forums, effective tools with which to combat social barriers to the attainment of knowledge, etc.). ; The article concentrates on the most essential elements of a social science as research, whereby research is strictly interpreted as the verification of a theory in a particular field but neither as "theorie sans terrain" nor "terrain sans theorie". Yet even if this particular employment in the field of social science is explicitly conceived of as privileging the logic of discovery and the strictures of proof in opposite to all preconstructed themes, theories and traditions of different disciplines, it cannot simply be reduced to the standpoint of pure logic. Engagement for social science as reflexive research means to further its practical, political acceptance by using the results obtained from research, means fighting for her autonomisation in terms of contributing to the creation of appropriate forms of sociability for its activities and reception (such as the formation of a reading public, discussion forums, effective tools with which to combat social barriers to the attainment of knowledge, etc.).
The main aim of this paper is to show the strengths of emigration from Lithuania and highlight the drama of social and economic development of the country in this context. The article analyses the causes and consequences of emigration from Lithuania, its extent and structure, as well as problems – decrease in population number, illegal emigration, young people and women emigration, brain drain. The research shows that the fundamental reason of emigration is ineffective economic policy and the lack of self-realization opportunities in Lithuania. ; Šio straipsnio tikslas – parodyti emigracijos iš Lietuvos problemos grėsmes ir Lietuvos socialinės ir ekonominės plėtros dramą. Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos emigracijos priežastys ir pasekmės, analizuojami emigracijos mastai ir struktūra, problemos, kylančios ekonomikoje emigracijos kontekste, nelegali emigracija, protų nutekėjimas, akcentuojamas emigracijos feministinis aspektas. Ekspertų vertinimu per 22 nepriklausomybės metus Lietuvą paliko apie 30 proc. žmonių, iš jų ypač daug jaunimo ir kvalifikuotų specialistų. Lietuvos gyventojus skatina išvykti darbo vietų trūkumas, mažas darbo užmokestis, netenkinančios profesinės karjeros bei savirealizacijos galimybės bei neefektyvi ekonominė politika.
[p. 2] ; column 6 ; 3 col. in. ; A.W. Babbitt has arrived from Salt Lake with a report that the inhabitants of the Great Basin have formed a provisional government, which includes all of California east of the Sierra Nevada. Mr. Babbitt has been elected to represent this country in Congress.
The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations (C of I) was not a book that I had any long-standing plans to write. The manuscript did, however, grow out of two related and long-standing frustrations that I had with discussions in Political Science in general and International Relations in particular about research design, causation, and the basic contours of knowledge-production. First of all, people seemed to invariably conflate questions of method or technique with questions of methodology or strategy of inquiry. Thus we had and continue to have rather problematic contrasts between "qualitative" and "quantitative" ways of doing social research as though the decision to use or not to use numbers had any determinate bearing whatsoever on the epistemic status of particular empirical claims. But whether or not one uses numbers is a question of technique, not a question of strategy, and as such cannot have any such profound impact; this means that in conducting these debates about how to do our work, we are working with impoverished and misleading terminology. Second, and related, people drew on extremely thin and partial conceptions of "science" as a way of warranting their positions; this was equally true of scholars contrasting "explaining" and "understanding" as ways of knowing, and of scholars reducing the entire panoply of the philosophy of science to the triumvirate Popper-Kuhn-Lakatos as though those were the only three people to have ever intervened in the de-bate about how science worked. When I taught my Ph.D. seminar on the production of valid empirical knowledge—entitled "The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations"—I tried to allay both of these frustrations by equipping my students with a broader set of conceptual tools for thinking about these fundamental issues and articulating a defensible position with which they felt comfortable. This book derives from that seminar and from the frustrations that animated my pedagogy in that seminar.
Greenhouse gas removal (GGR) raises many cultural, ethical, legal, social, and political issues, yet in the growing area of GGR research, humanities and social sciences (HASS) research is often marginalized, constrained and depoliticised. This global dynamic is illustrated by an analysis of the UK GGR research programme. This dynamic matters for the knowledge produced and for its users. Without HASS contributions, too narrow a range of perspectives, futures and issues will be considered, undermining or overpromising the prospects for the responsible development of GGR (and threatening worse side-effects), and limiting our understanding of why and how policy demands GGR solutions in the first place. In response, we present policy principles for bringing HASS fully into GGR research, organized around three themes: (1) HASS-led GGR research, (2) Opening up GGR futures, and (3) The politics of GGR futures.
The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
The school takes inspiration from the EU H2020 SwafS CoAct (Co-designing Citizen Social Science for Collective Action) project's experiences and partners. It aims to invigorate the academic community around a wide set of Citizen Social Science practices while providing a critical view on their strengths and challenges. The participant will have the opportunity to learn aspects related to the following elements: • Review of transdisciplinary aspects to Citizen Social Science (Open Science, Ethical Research, Digital participation, Evaluation and Policy Impact) • Practical examples of Citizen Social Science practices where groups in a vulnerable situation are acting as Co-Researchers • Portfolio of collaborative participatory research models (interdisciplinary, intersectoral and international) • Practical tools to maximize success and minimize challenges of Citizen Social Science • Development of an international network of peers • Strategies to be inclusive in a Citizen Science project S0: In this session, Citizen Science will be introduced jointly with the current discussions on how social dimension shall be considered and on how academics from the social sciences are currently shaping Citizen Social Science. CoAct vision will also be introduced. CoAct understands Citizen Social Science as participatory research co-designed and directly driven by citizen groups sharing a social concern. It combines equal collaboration between citizen groups (Co-Researchers) that share a social concern, and academic researchers. The session will end up with a summary of the State-of-the-Art CoAct deliverable.
Migration is an important and yet neglected determinant of institutions. The paper documents the channels through which emigration affects home country institutions and considers dynamic-panel regressions for a large sample of developing countries. We find that emigration and human capital both increase democracy and economic freedom. This implies that unskilled (skilled) emigration has a positive (ambiguous) impact on institutional quality. Simulations show an impact of skilled emigration that is generally positive, significant for a few countries in the short run and for many countries in the long run once incentive effects of emigration on human capital formation are accounted for.