Suchergebnisse

Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate

El propósito de este artículo es presentar una reflexión sobre las aportaciones teóricas del feminismo a las ciencias sociales a partir de la revisión de algunos de los conceptos claves que han acompañado al pensamiento feminista, incluyendo algunos de los elementos centrales del debate contemporáneo. Como parte de esta reflexión se enfatizará en las implicaciones y los alcances ideológico-políticos de dichas aportaciones. Finalmente, se propone reflexionar sobre éstas y sus desafíos feministas en el contexto latinoamericano. ; The purpose of this article is to present a reflection on the theoretical contributions made by feminism to Social Sciences. By implementing some of the principal feminist concepts and contemporary main debate elements, this article will emphasize the ideological and political implications of said contributions. Finally, the text intends to think about them and their feminist challenges in the Latin American context.

RESUMEN: El artículo tiene como objetivo revisar algunos aspectos del proceso de institucionalización de las ciencias sociales en Colombia, para ello aborda como en los procesos de maduración de estas se han dado condiciones de interdisciplinariedad, así como la manera en que las políticas públicas de ciencia y tecnología han presionado el acceso a determinas reglas; que si bien han generado procesos de internacionalización, también han puesto en crisis la autonomía respecto a lo que se considera conocimiento científico social. Por ello se termina con una reflexión sobre la necesidad de reflexionar continuar reflexionando sobre lo que se entiende como objetividad de las ciencias sociales frente a tal proceso de institucionalización. ; ABSTRACT: The objective of this article is to inspect some aspects about the institucionalization process of the Social Sciences in Colombia, for this it takes the way in how the processes of maduration of those have been given in interdisciplinarity conditions, just like the way how the public politics of science and technology have pushed the access to certain rules that have generated processes of internacionalization and that have placed in crisis the autonomy respect to what its considered social scientis knowledge. Finally, the article ends with a reflection about the need of take in consideration what its known like Social Science objectivity in front to the institucionalization process.

In recent decades, Chile has not been immune to the dynamics of increasing immigration, causing a strong impact on public opinion. In this scenario, we must add the closing of borders as a result of the pandemic and the security policies installed by some governments, leaving multiple groups of immigrants and refugees subject to greater defenselessness. This book is the result of the academic work of young researchers graduated from Analysts in Politics and International Affairs at the University of Santiago de Chile, who have found in human movements a place to develop their first approaches to research and who represent an interest in the theme of the new generations. In order to promote the work carried out by these young researchers in the migration area and to empower them, it is essential to disseminate their proposals with a publication like this one, making this objective one of the main purposes of this text.

The migration issue, which is presented as one of the most current socio-economic and political problems, when combined with the cataclysm produced by the COVID pandemic, acquires new dimensions. We have approached this project of the PAIGH-OAS, knowing that on the one hand it is transcendental for the Inter-American System due to its connotations and implications and that on the other, we do it both as historians and actors. Double challenge for having to analyze the processes in scientific terms and in turn in first person, events that have involved us since their origins and are still valid due to the uncertainty that this complex disease continues to cause in the world.

The social sciences contextualize the study of the social movements, considering that they provide and underlie theories and social methods that allow to observe the political, historical, and territorial configuration processes of such movements. In this context, it is appropriate to explore the scope of disciplines, the social theory, and the method in order to explain the theoretical contact elements and discipline of the social sciences along with the social movements, which are understood as objects of study. ; Las ciencias sociales contextualizan el estudio de los movimientos sociales, considerando que aportan y fundamentan teorías y métodos sociales que permiten observar los procesos de configuración política, histórica y territorial de estos movimientos. En este contexto es apropiado recorrer el ámbito de las disciplinas, de la teoría social y del método para explicar los elementos de contacto teórico y disciplinar de las ciencias sociales con los movimientos sociales, entendidos como objetos de estudio

The social sciences contextualize the study of the social movements, considering that they provide and underlie theories and social methods that allow to observe the political, historical, and territorial configuration processes of such movements. In this context, it is appropriate to explore the scope of disciplines, the social theory, and the method in order to explain the theoretical contact elements and discipline of the social sciences along with the social movements, which are understood as objects of study. ; Las ciencias sociales contextualizan el estudio de los movimientos sociales, considerando que aportan y fundamentan teorías y métodos sociales que permiten observar los procesos de configuración política, histórica y territorial de estos movimientos. En este contexto es apropiado recorrer el ámbito de las disciplinas, de la teoría social y del método para explicar los elementos de contacto teórico y disciplinar de las ciencias sociales con los movimientos sociales, entendidos como objetos de estudio

Peer reviewed ; 25 páginas, 5 tablas. ; [EN] This paper describes the last surge of Argentinian migration to Spain, which took place as a result of the crisis which affected Argentina at the beginning of the new millennium. From interviews, press documentation and statistical sources, we analyse the role of social networks as a factor which enables, in the first place, the choice of destination for emigrants from Mar del Plata whereas it contributes later to the settlement process in the Balearic Islands. ; [ES] Este artículo describe la última oleada de inmigración argentina en España, aquella que se produjo a raíz de la crisis que afectó al país a comienzos del nuevo milenio. A partir de entrevistas, documentación de prensa y fuentes estadísticas se analiza el papel de las redes sociales como factor que facilita, en primer lugar, la elección de destino a los emigrantes marplatenses, mientras que más tarde contribuye al proceso de asentamiento en las Baleares.

Los Estudios Sociales se diseñaron en la década de los años 50 del siglo XX, como un instrumento para difundir entre las nuevas generaciones de costarricenses, los valores y aspiraciones del proyecto político que gestó la fundación de la II República. Los nuevos consensos sociales surgidos entorno al proyecto socialdemócrata, se apoyaron en el poderoso instrumento de la educación para ser difundidos entre la sociedad costarricense. Surge así un componente del currículo oficial que hasta entonces no existía: La Enseñanza de los Estudios Sociales. Empero, el devenir histórico de nuestro país y el mismo desarrollo de la disciplina histórica, han generado múltiples cuestionamientos a las visiones del pasado que todavía se reproducen en las aulas de nuestras escuelas y colegios. Este artículo presenta una propuesta alternativa de enseñanza de la Historia sobre la base de la responsabilidad social de la enseñanza y el aprendizaje. Por tal razón, partimos del principio de que en el espacio social del aprendizaje se materializan relaciones sociales mediatizadas por la necesidad de conocer el pasado para comprender el presente. El concepto de didáctica aquí planteado, tiene que ver con la necesidad de que la enseñanza de la Historia en nuestro país evolucione hacia objetivos encaminados al desarrollo de la conciencia, el razonamiento de la realidad desde las herramientas que provee la Historia, el trabajo colectivo, el uso de recursos didácticos adecuados y la validación del aprendizaje en un campo o entorno social concreto, de ahí su carácter vivencial. The Social Studies were designed in the decade of the years 50 of the XX century, as an instrument to diffuse among the new generations of Costa Rican, the values and aspirations of the political project that it gestated the foundation of the II Republic. The new consents social arisen environment to the social-democratic project, leaned on in the powerful instrument of the education to be diffused among the Costa Rican society. It arises this way a component of the official curriculum that until then it didn't exist: "The Teaching of the Social Studies." But, becoming historical of our country and the same development of the historical discipline, they have generated multiple questions to the visions of the past that still reproduce in the classrooms of our schools. This article presents an alternative proposal of teaching of the History on the base of the social responsibility of the teaching and the learning. For such a reason, we portion of the principle that in the social space of the learning relationships social are materialized by the necessity of knowing the past to understand the present. The didactics concept here outlined, it has to do with the necessity that the teaching of the History in our country evolves toward objectives guided to the development of the conscience, the reasoning of the reality from the tools that it provides the History, the collective work, the use of appropriate didactic resources and the validation of the learning in a field or concrete social environment.

The research aimed to understand the social conflict that exists in Colombia based on the content of 33 textbooks of social science from the primary education level, which were published between 2003-2013. The methodology of content analysis was used to give meaning to the messages of the conflict that were taught through the discursive content, activities and iconography of the books. As a result, the analysis revealed the violent situation of the country, which has evolved as a social conflict with political and armed influence by involving guerrillas against victims, society and state. ; La investigación tuvo como objetivo comprender el conflicto social en Colombia con base en la representación de 33 libros de texto escolar de ciencias sociales de básica primaria, publicados en el período 2003-2013. Se empleó la metodología de análisis de contenido para dar significado a los mensajes del conflicto enseñados por medio del contenido discursivo, actividades e iconografía de los libros. Como resultado, la representación reveló la violenta situación del país, que ha transitado entre un conflicto social con incidencia política y armada al involucrar guerrillas contra víctimas, sociedad y Estado. Esto sugirió soluciones nacionales y locales. ; La recherche a eu en tant qu'objectif la compréhension du conflit social en Colombie fondée sur la représentation de 33 livres de texte scolaire de sciences sociales d'école primaire, publiés dans la durée 2003-2013. On a employé la méthodologie d'analyse du contenu pour donner un sens aux messages du conflit appris au moyen du contenu discursif, les activités et l'iconographie des lires. En tant que résultat, la représentation a montré la violente situation du pays, qui s'écoulée entre un conflit social avec l'intervention politique et armée impliquant les guérillas contre les victimes, la société et l'Etat. Cela a indiqué des solutions nationales et locales. ; A pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender o conflito social na Colômbia a partir da representação de 33 livros de textos escolares, de ciências sociais, do ensino fundamental 1, publicados no período 2003-2013. Empregou-se a metodologia de análise de conteúdo para dar significado às mensagens do conflito ensinadas por meio do conteúdo discursivo, atividades e iconografia dos livros. Como resultado, a representação revelou a violenta situação do país, que tem transitado entre um conflito social com incidência política e armada ao envolver guerrilhas contra vítimas, sociedade e Estado. Isto sugeriu soluções nacionais e locais.

Girbal-Blacha, N. (2003). Las ciencias sociales: ¿por qué y para qué? Revista de Ciencias Sociales 14, 7-29. ; Del individuo al actor social, de la sociedad a las redes sociales, de lo macro a lo micro, de las mentalidades a las representaciones. En los últimos 15 años las ciencias sociales se han renovado, han mutado rápidamente sus objetos y formas de análisis, en un contexto de crisis, pero también de multidisciplinariedad, de cambios en la escala de observación. La concepción misma de la ciencia es la que se modifica con la desaparición de los grandes paradigmas (Jacques Le Goff). Son estas ciencias las que tienen –como en otros tiempos o quizá más que en otras circunstancias– una importante misión que cumplir: llevar adelante un preciso diagnóstico de la inequidad y la crisis reinante, contribuir al debate pluralista e interdisciplinario que aporte soluciones trascendentes, para contrarrestar los efectos más nefastos de la crisis generalizada que no es sólo económica, sino social, institucional, cultural y política. Debe hacerlo sin grandes paradigmas de referencia, sin adscripciones a modelos únicos y sin el aporte sustantivo de un debate intelectual circunscripto a ambos ejes de referencia, porque hoy se presentan como inexistentes. A modo de compromiso y reconstrucción de la memoria colectiva conviene, entonces, pasar revista desde el presente al camino recorrido, dentro y fuera de las fronteras del país, como un aporte a la reconstrucción nacional. ; From single individuals to social actors, from society to social networks, from macro to micro analyses, Social Sciences have renewed themselves in the last fifteen years. They have quickly mutated their objects and ways of research, in a context of crisis, but also of interdisciplinary work, of changes in the scale of observation. The disappearance of great paradigms modifies the science conception in itself. (J. Le Goff) These sciences must, as in other times or, perhaps, more acutely than in other circumstances, achieve an important aim. They have to carry on a precise diagnosis of inequity and actual crisis, to contribute to a pluralist and interdisciplinary debate in order to solve definitely the most grave effects of this extended crisis which not only has economic aspects but social, institutional, cultural and political sides. Social Sciences must tackle the task without the aid of references, that seem to be non-existent. In order to recover collective memory the challenge lays in reviewing, from today, the roads trodden in the past, inside and outside national limits, trying to contribute to a national reconstruction.

En un período reciente, Brasil ha atravesado una profunda crisis política, cuyo momento más emblemático fue la destitución de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff en 2016. Dos años después, Jair Bolsonaro fue elegido Presidente de la República, con una plataforma política basada en la lucha contra la violencia y la corrupción, y en una agenda moral que incluye combatir la "ideología de género" y el "marxismo cultural". En este contexto, las ciencias sociales se ven fuertemente atacadas en la esfera pública, con la difusión de la idea de que los profesores están "adoctrinando ideológicamente" a los estudiantes en las clases. En este artículo analizo los desafíos para enseñar ciencias sociales en Brasil hoy en este escenario político. Metodológicamente el artículo se centra en el análisis documental y bibliográfico. Realicé una revisión bibliográfica con las publicaciones más recientes sobre la situación política actual en Brasil, así como también examiné las declaraciones del presidente de la república y los dos ministros de educación que había en su gobierno sobre ciencias sociales. Observarse que hay un escenario de inflexión política, marcado por un ataque a las ciencias sociales en la esfera pública, con un enfoque en las asignaturas escolares. A pesar de que los datos apuntan a un escenario desafiante para los profesores de ciencias sociales, sostengo que es precisamente en estos contextos que estas ciencias son más necesarias, considerando su papel en la formación para la ciudadanía y el compromiso con un proyecto democrático para la sociedad. ; In a recent period Brazil has been going through a deep political crisis, the most emblematic moment of which was the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016. Two years later, Jair Bolsonaro was elected President of the Republic, with a political platform based on combating violence and corruption, and on a moral agenda that includes combating "gender ideology" and "cultural Marxism". In this context, the social sciences come to be strongly attacked in the public sphere, by spreading the idea that teachers are "ideologically indoctrinating" students in the classroom. In this article I analyze the challenges for teaching social sciences in Brazil today in this political scenario. Methodologically the article focuses on documentary and bibliographic analysis. I carried out a bibliographic review with the most recent publications on the current political situation in Brazil, as well as examined statements by the president of the republic and the two ministers of education that there was in his government on the social sciences. There was a scenario of political inflection, marked by an attack on the social sciences in the public sphere, with a focus on school subjects. Despite the data pointing to a challenging scenario for social science teachers, I argue that it is precisely in these contexts that these sciences are most necessary, considering their role in the formation for the citizenship and the commitment to a democratic project for society. ; peerReviewed

El artículo presenta un panorama de la producción científica de las ciencias sociales sobre el Perú. Recoge los aportes de los pensadores peruanos representativos de su época y generación así como de los académicos vinculados a la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, cultores de disciplinas como la Antropología, la Arqueología, la Historia y la Sociología; comprometidos con el quehacer científico orientado a la transformación de la sociedad peruana. Asimismo, presenta los temas y propuestas de los estudiosos de nuestra realidad, cambiante y compleja, tales como el origen de la cultura peruana, la recuperación y puesta en valor de los sitios arqueológicos, el indigenismo, la otredad, el nosotros diverso, la historia de las élites y las mentalidades, el equilibrio social, la revolución, la democracia liberal así como el neoliberalismo y la globalización, con sus referentes teóricos. ; The article presents an overview of the Scientific Production in Social Sciences about Peru. From the pre-Hispanic period to the current times; it collects the contributions of emblematic Peruvian thinkers of their age and generation as well as the academics who were linked to the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. They were practitioners of disciplines such as anthropology, archeology, history and Sociology; and were committed to the scientific task oriented to the transformation of the Peruvian society. The matters and proposals of the scholars of our so changing and complex reality are exhibited: the origin of the Peruvian culture, the recovery and the value of the archaeological sites, the Indigenism, the otherness, the our diverse, the history of elites and mentalities, the social equilibrium, the revolution, the liberal democracy as well as the neoliberalism; and the globalization with its theoretical references.

The research aimed to understand the social conflict that exists in Colombia based on the content of 33 textbooks of social science from the primary education level, which were published between 2003-2013. The methodology of content analysis was used to give meaning to the messages of the conflict that were taught through the discursive content, activities and iconography of the books. As a result, the analysis revealed the violent situation of the country, which has evolved as a social conflict with political and armed influence by involving guerrillas against victims, society and state. ; La investigación tuvo como objetivo comprender el conflicto social en Colombia con base en la representación de 33 libros de texto escolar de ciencias sociales de básica primaria, publicados en el período 2003-2013. Se empleó la metodología de análisis de contenido para dar significado a los mensajes del conflicto enseñados por medio del contenido discursivo, actividades e iconografía de los libros. Como resultado, la representación reveló la violenta situación del país, que ha transitado entre un conflicto social con incidencia política y armada al involucrar guerrillas contra víctimas, sociedad y Estado. Esto sugirió soluciones nacionales y locales. ; La recherche a eu en tant qu'objectif la compréhension du conflit social en Colombie fondée sur la représentation de 33 livres de texte scolaire de sciences sociales d'école primaire, publiés dans la durée 2003-2013. On a employé la méthodologie d'analyse du contenu pour donner un sens aux messages du conflit appris au moyen du contenu discursif, les activités et l'iconographie des lires. En tant que résultat, la représentation a montré la violente situation du pays, qui s'écoulée entre un conflit social avec l'intervention politique et armée impliquant les guérillas contre les victimes, la société et l'Etat. Cela a indiqué des solutions nationales et locales. ; A pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender o conflito social na Colômbia a partir da representação de 33 livros de textos escolares, de ciências sociais, do ensino fundamental 1, publicados no período 2003-2013. Empregou-se a metodologia de análise de conteúdo para dar significado às mensagens do conflito ensinadas por meio do conteúdo discursivo, atividades e iconografia dos livros. Como resultado, a representação revelou a violenta situação do país, que tem transitado entre um conflito social com incidência política e armada ao envolver guerrilhas contra vítimas, sociedade e Estado. Isto sugeriu soluções nacionais e locais.

The research aimed to understand the social conflict that exists in Colombia based on the content of 33 textbooks of social science from the primary education level, which were published between 2003-2013. The methodology of content analysis was used to give meaning to the messages of the conflict that were taught through the discursive content, activities and iconography of the books. As a result, the analysis revealed the violent situation of the country, which has evolved as a social conflict with political and armed influence by involving guerrillas against victims, society and state. ; La investigación tuvo como objetivo comprender el conflicto social en Colombia con base en la representación de 33 libros de texto escolar de ciencias sociales de básica primaria, publicados en el período 2003-2013. Se empleó la metodología de análisis de contenido para dar significado a los mensajes del conflicto enseñados por medio del contenido discursivo, actividades e iconografía de los libros. Como resultado, la representación reveló la violenta situación del país, que ha transitado entre un conflicto social con incidencia política y armada al involucrar guerrillas contra víctimas, sociedad y Estado. Esto sugirió soluciones nacionales y locales. ; La recherche a eu en tant qu'objectif la compréhension du conflit social en Colombie fondée sur la représentation de 33 livres de texte scolaire de sciences sociales d'école primaire, publiés dans la durée 2003-2013. On a employé la méthodologie d'analyse du contenu pour donner un sens aux messages du conflit appris au moyen du contenu discursif, les activités et l'iconographie des lires. En tant que résultat, la représentation a montré la violente situation du pays, qui s'écoulée entre un conflit social avec l'intervention politique et armée impliquant les guérillas contre les victimes, la société et l'Etat. Cela a indiqué des solutions nationales et locales. ; A pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender o conflito social na Colômbia a partir da representação de 33 livros de textos escolares, de ciências sociais, do ensino fundamental 1, publicados no período 2003-2013. Empregou-se a metodologia de análise de conteúdo para dar significado às mensagens do conflito ensinadas por meio do conteúdo discursivo, atividades e iconografia dos livros. Como resultado, a representação revelou a violenta situação do país, que tem transitado entre um conflito social com incidência política e armada ao envolver guerrilhas contra vítimas, sociedade e Estado. Isto sugeriu soluções nacionais e locais.