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The author introduces the concept of agonistic democracy as an alternative to the deliberative model, along the lines of John Gray & Chantal Mouffe in their insistence on the primacy of the political in the public sphere & the agonistic character of social relations. On the one hand, the primacy of the political calls our attention to the drawbacks of the solutions to political & social conflicts by means of legal procedures. On the other, the agonistic theory of plural societies insists on relinquishing the harmonious view of society; ie, we have to come to terms with the fact that there are certain unsolvably & irreducibly deep conflicts. Agonistic democracy highlights social conflicts & divisions with the explicit purpose of their discursive grouping, the formation of a hegemonic discourse & the permanent reshuffling of the existing power relations, & to avoid their downsizing. Its goal is to turn antagonism (friend-foe) into agonic (friend-adversary). The paper ends on a cautionary note by identifying the shortcomings of all democratic models, including those by Gray or Mouffe, which is particularly important to bear in mind at a time when we are becoming -- or have already become -- bigger losers in peacetime than in an open conflict. Hence, there is not perfect democratic model or a perfect recipe for eradicating tragic conflicts. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom radu se na temelju podataka terenskih anketnih istraživanja iz 2015. i 2016. godine analizira odnos između povjerenja u političke i provedbene institucije s jedne strane te protekcionizma s druge strane. Točnije, u prvom dijelu teksta se nastoji prikazati kako je povjerenje u institucije, kao normativno očekivanje, konceptualno povezano s protekcionizmom. Uz to, temeljem faktorske analize, utvrđuje se protekcionistička dimenzija stavova te se prikazuje njena distribucija kroz posljednje desetljeće. Istodobno, u svojevrsnom istraživačkom predkoraku, rad analizira i socioekonomske te demografske determinante takve dimenzije stavova. Nakon toga, u središnjem djelu analize, prikazuje se negativna međusobna povezanost povjerenja u institucije i protekcionizma, pri čemu su efekti takvog utjecaja nešto izraženiji kod povjerenja u provedbene institucije. Osim toga, regresijski modeli pokazuju kako su, uz protekcionizam, najznačajnije nezavisne varijable koje ispituju razine autoritarnosti i socijalnog povjerenja. Također se prikazuje kakve efekte identifikacija sa strankom na vlasti ima na razine institucionalnog povjerenja. ; This paper analyzes the relationship between trust in political and implementing institutions on the one hand and protectionism on the other, based on field survey data from 2015 and 2016. Precisely, the first part of the text seeks to show how trust in institutions, as a normative expectation, is conceptually related to protectionism. In addition, based on factor analysis, the protectionist dimension of attitudes is shown and its distribution over the last decade is presented. At the same time, in a kind of research pre-step, the paper analyzes the socio-economic and demographic determinants of such a dimension of attitude. After that, in the central part of the analysis, the negative interrelationship between trust in institutions and protectionism is presented, with the effects of such influence being somewhat more pronounced in the case of trust in implementing institutions. In ...

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author presents the content and principal ideas of Strpic's book on Karl Marx and the political economy of modernity, Karl Marx i politicka ekonomija Moderne. The author analyzes the book, its ideas and its significance within the context of an evaluation of the status and trends in political and economic thought in Croatia during a time of so-called transition, i.e. the process of restoration of crony capitalism. He criticizes the neoliberal school and its Economics, which has pushed aside and replaced Political Economy in the instruction at many university social science departments. The author considers Strpic's book a major contribution to the reaffirmation of Political Economy to its theoretical and scholarly status. He faults Strpic for not including in his analysis the results of scholarly research conducted by Croatian economists whose views complement his own. The current crisis of the neoliberal school, its Economics and the economic crisis in Croatia may serve as a means to reaffirm Political Economy, or rather to turn back from Economics in favor of Political Economy in scholarship and in the education of political scientists, legal scholars and economists. The author puts forth the thesis on the need to separate Political Economy from ideocracy. In this context, he advocates the reaffirmation of Political Economy as both a scientific discipline and as a skill in the management of national economies. Adapted from the source document.

Senjski statut iz 1388. bio je predmetom detaljnih istraživanja hrvatskih pravnika i povjesničara. No, u pravnoj tradiciji Senja postoji još jedno važno pravno vrelo koje se nije dovoljno koristilo u istraživanju povijesti Senja, njegova ustroja i razvoja pravnih instituta na hrvatskim pravnim prostorima u XVIII. st. Riječ je o Senjskom statutu iz 1757. koji je donijela vladarica Marija Terezija. Statut je pisan na talijanskom i njemačkom jeziku. Senj je u to doba bio izuzet ispod uprave bana i Sabora te je u sastavu Vojne krajine i njezinih organa vlasti. No, Senj ima status slobodnog kraljevskog grada i nakon pritužbi Hrvatskog sabora o kršenju prava grada njegov položaj, organizacija i privilegije utvrđeni su Statutom. Senj i dalje nije pod ingerencijom bana i Sabora, ali se nalazi u sastavu Trgovačke intendance (tzv. Austrijskog primorja od Trsta do Karlobaga). Statut sadrži brojne propise o ustroju organa vlasti u gradu (Malo vijeće, kancelar), načinu njihova izbora, poglavarstvu, sudu (gradski i plemićki sudac), liječniku, kirurgu i ljekarniku, uredu za čistoću, trgovačkim povlasticama grada, sudskom postupku, odvjetnicima, obiteljskom i nasljednom pravu, pomorskom pravu, zaštiti šuma itd. ; The Senj Statute from 1388 has been the subject of detailed research by Croatian lawyers and historians. However, in the legal tradition of Senj there still exists one more important legal source which has not been used enough in the research of the history of Senj, its structure and development of legal institutes in Croatian legal areas in the 18th ckentury. It is the Senj Statute from 1757 which was introduced by the ruler Maria Theresa. The statute is written in Italian and German languages. At that time Senj was exempt from the administration of the ban and parliament and was in the system of the Military Border and its authorities. However, Senj had the status of a free royal city and after complaints of the Croatian parliament about the violation of rights of the city its status, organisation and privileges were ...

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Njemački izvornik: Bayreuther, Rainer (2010): Überlegungen zu einer Theorie politischer Musik am Beispiel von Händels "Ode for the Birthday of Queen Anne". Hrvatski izvornik: Tkalčić, Marina (2015): Vile i vilinska pedagogija u novopoganskim duhovnostima u Hrvatskoj. ; Deutscher Ausgangstext: Bayreuther, Rainer (2010): Überlegungen zu einer Theorie politischer Musik am Beispiel von Händels "Ode for the Birthday of Queen Anne". Kroatischer Ausgangstext: Tkalčić, Marina (2015): Vile i vilinska pedagogija u novopoganskim duhovnostima u Hrvatskoj.

Ovaj je rad usmjeren na reforme obiteljske politike u četiri europske zemlje – Austriji, Finskoj, Portugalu i Sloveniji – između 2008. i 2015. godine. Te su godine obilježile "velika recesija" i uspon perspektive socijalnog ulaganja. Međutim, socijalno ulaganje je opći pojam i pomalo je dvosmislen. Ovaj rad razlučuje između različitih varijanti socijalnog ulaganja koje proizlaze iz usredotočenosti na interakcije socijalnog ulaganja i alternativnih perspektiva socijalne politike, i to socijalne zaštite i štednje. U radu se identificiraju različite varijante u smislu stupnja socijalnog ulaganja: od sveobuhvatnog, preko istiskivanja do "skromnijih" oblika socijalnog ulaganja. To je dovelo do oštrih rezova u obiteljskim novčanim davanjima, dok su se područja javne skrbi i roditeljskog dopusta pokazala otpornijima u analiziranim zemljama. Ovi su zaključci indikativni u sadašnjoj pandemiji COVID-19, kada se zemlje suočavaju s novom, možda i većom gospodarskom krizom. ; The focus of this article is on family policy reforms in four European countries – Austria, Finland, Portugal, and Slovenia – between 2008 and 2015. These years were marked by the 'Great Recession', and by the rise of the social-investment perspective. Social investment is an umbrella concept, though, and it is also somewhat ambiguous. This article distinguishes between different social-investment variants, which emerge from a focus on its interaction with alternative social-policy perspectives, namely social protection and austerity. We identify different variants along the degree of social-investment: from comprehensive, over crowding out, towards lean forms. While the empirical analysis highlights variation, it also shows how there is a specific crisis context, which may lead to 'crowding out' of other policy approaches and 'leaner' forms of social investment. This has led to strong cutbacks in family cash benefits, while public childcare and parental leaves have proved more resilient in the investigated countries. Those findings are revelatory in the current Covid-19 pandemic, where countries are entering a next, possibly larger economic crisis.

Odnosi Rusije i Srbije od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije aktualno je pitanje ne samo o budućnosti Srbije nego dometa i intenziteta utjecaja zapadnih integracija i/ili Rusije na Zapadnom Balkanu i JI Europi. Odnosi između Srbije i Rusije analizirani su s obzirom na pitanje smetaju li oni ulasku Srbije u EU i NATO. Analiza je podijeljena na razdoblje od 1991. do 2000. i poslije 2000. godine pri čemu su posebno izdvojene teme oko kojih se najintenzivnije razvijao odnos koji je u pitanju. Intenzitet odnosa između dvije zemlje promatran je prvenstveno kao posljedica pojedinačnih odnosa obje zemlje sa Zapadom, prvenstveno sa Sjedinjenim Državama i EU, pa se i oni analiziraju. Iako se kroz literaturu i pojedinačne događaje ne pokazuju jedinstvena mišljenja i informacije, zajedno pružaju temelj za zaključak da je ulazak Srbije u zapadne integracije, osim ulazak u NATO u određenom stupnju, prvenstveno određen pragmatičnim interesima Srbije, a ne Rusije kojoj je Srbija jednako tako interesna zona samo u pogledu aktualnih pragmatičnih pitanja, a ne nekog iracionalnog, sudbinskog savezništva. ; The relationship between Serbia and Russia since the break-up of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union is a very timely topic of discussion: Beyond the political and economic future of Serbia, it bears on the scope and intensity of Western integration throughout the Balkans and SE Europe. To this end, contemporary Serbo-Russian relations are analyzed in terms of their potential impact on Serbia joining the EU and NATO. The analysis is divided into two periods, 1991-2000 and post-2000. The more critical issues in bilateral relations are emphasized. Understanding each country's separate relationship with the West -- particularly the USA and EU -- is an essential part of this analysis. Contradictory conclusions may be reached when arguments advanced in the literature or individual geo-political events are considered in isolation; but when available information is combined, there is a basis for concluding that ...

In this text, the state of political theory in Serbia is looked into with regard to the achieved level of self-reflection & professionalisation. Political theory is developing as a special way of research into politics which, in addition to refusing to fit to any discipline-related definitions, has its own professional standards of argumentation, approaches, theories & heroes; however, it has no well-balanced methodological instruction & no professional training. It is a pluralized field of research which tends to reject the delegitimizing & self-positioning practices, the aim of which is to pass judgment, exclude or label, & develops standards of justification & criticism. The second part of the text puts forward the assertion that political theory in Serbia is far from achieving these standards. This is not due to lack of relevant works, but to lack of self-reflection on what has been accomplished so far. There are two reasons for such a state of affairs. First, a rather unfortunate history of the discipline: it developed initially within the ideological surroundings of Marxism, which did not leave much room for theory, & then through political disorder & conflicts of the 1990s, which encouraged delegitimizing practices & self-positioning rather than criticism & self-reflection. The second reason has to do with inadequate institutionalization of political science & social sciences in general, which apparently leaves enough room for political theory, but not for professional self-identification. Adapted from the source document.

Deliberation on the concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings makes the starting point of this paper. Furthermore, a short historical overview is combined with selected theories of fatherhood, which serve as a framework for placing the issues regarding modern fatherhood in the appropriate context. That context, it is concluded, rests on the historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment, represent a major obstacle to the fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Unfortunately, there are still many obstacles to modern fatherhood, the most important one being gender inequality manifested through traditional male bread-winner and female child-rearer models. Subsequently data is provided on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare, that were collected and analysed in 2013 as part of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) and its survey on family and changing gender roles. The arising conclusion is that although many positive changes have been made the Croatian society has got a long way to go to both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, it is important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. ; Razmatranje o pojmovima otac i očinstvo i njihovim doslovnim i simboličnim značenjima ishodište je ovoga rada. Nadalje, kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran je s odabranim teorijama očinstva koje služe kao okvir za smještanje pitanja povezanih s modernim očinstvom u prikladni kontekst. Zaključuje se da taj kontekst počiva na povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna otuđenost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitvnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u odnosu na koncept jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Nažalost, još uvijek postoje brojne prepreke modernom očinstvu, najvažnija od kojih je rodna nejednakost koja se manifestira putem modela tradicionalnog muškarca hranitelja obitelji i žene odgojiteljice djece. U nastavku se prikazuju podatci o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi za djecu koji su prikupljeni i analizirani 2013. godine kao dio međunarodnog programa socijalnog istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme – ISSP) i istraživanja u sklopu istog o obitelji i rodnim ulogama koje se mijenjaju. Zaključak koji se nameće je da, usprkos tome što je došlo do brojnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom je još dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako, važno je uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva.

Kako je tema ideologije europskih stranki populističke i radikalne desnice u literaturi vrlo opširna, u radu se pokušava kroz analizu diskursa i programa istražiti moguća povezanost fašizma i radikalne i ekstremne desnice; na koji način i ako uopće, desne organizacije i stranke rehabilitiraju fašističke ideje. Kratkom uvodu u kojemu se objašnjava cilj istraživanja, slijedi teorijsko-konceptualni okvir u kojem se najprije definiraju pojedini važni pojmovi – ideologija fašizma i današnje desnice pa onda i razlikovanje ekstremne i radikalne desnice. Drugi se dio okvira odnosi na prikazivanje veza različitih europskih ekstremnih i radikalnih stranaka i grupacija s fašizmom. Na primjeru nekoliko europskih stranaka utvrđeno je kako postoji razlika između ekstremnih i radikalnih organizacija iako nije uvijek moguće točno odrediti granicu budući da nerijetko takve stranke prilagođavaju ideologiju u skladu s vremenom kako bi osvojile vlast. Nakon glavnoga dijela prikazuje se kratki zaključak s istaknutim nedostatcima i prijedlozima za poboljšanjem. ; As the topic of the ideology of the European populist and radical right parties is extensive in academic research, the possible connection between fascism and the radical and extreme right through the analysis of discourses and programs will be explored; how and if at all, right-wing organizations and parties rehabilitate fascist ideas. A short introduction explaining the aim of the research is followed by a theoretical-conceptual framework in which certain important concepts are defined - the ideology of fascism and present-day right along with the distinction between the extreme and radical right. The second part of the framework shows the links between various European extreme and radical parties and groups with fascism. The example of several European parties has shown that there is a difference between extreme and radical organizations, although it is not always possible to determine the exact distinction, as often such parties adjust their ideology in accordance with ...

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...