Suchergebnisse

Profiles of female politicians such as Corra Harris, Lindy Boggs, and Lenore Prather; some focus on Texas, Kentucky, and North Carolina; 8 articles.

Cities in the Southern United States have experienced dynamic economic and population growth over the past half-century, challenging existing paradigms of urban form, race relations, social movements, and immigration. This review shows how the timing of Southern urbanization—much later than in the Northeast and Midwest—has contributed to Southern cities' distinctive spatial patterns and political and economic structures. Southern cities were crucial to regional transformation, including the Civil Rights Movement and the end of one-party rule in the South. Moreover, Southern cities exemplify key trends of the contemporary political economy: a new relationship to regional industrialization, new forms of entrepreneurial governance, flexible labor markets, the importance of finance and producer services, and "new destination" immigration. I conclude by examining two Southern cities for their relevance to central themes in contemporary social research: Atlanta for the study of the African American experience and New Orleans for the sociology of catastrophe.

Introduction : the sociohistorical context of public education in the southern United States / Natalie Keefer and Tori K. Flint -- Theorizing education and human rights in the southern United States / Natalie Keefer -- Through their eyes : promoting voice and multiple perspectives to facilitate social justice advocacy in the South / Gregory L. Samuels and Brandon J. Haas -- 'Unscripting' the curriculum : a teacher's reflections on moving toward culturally relevant pedagogy / Allison M. Bernard and Tori K. Flint -- Disrupting the silence : teaching about racism in higher education in the deep South / Amy Samuels -- "It's like boiling a frog" : deintellectualization and devaluation through the eyes of a Black woman academician in the deep South / Valin S. Jordan -- Swimming against the current in a sea of low expectations : Louisiana teachers building their own professional capital / Melissa A. Gallagher and Catherine J. Melancon -- Politically charged classroom conversations : a duoethnographic exploration of teaching in a swing state / Andrea Watson-Canning and Sarah M. Denney -- "It hasn't happened yet, it hasn't even begun yet" : teaching about southern politics / Mark Pearcy and Jeremiah Clabough -- "Isn't it peachy?" : the successes and pitfalls of teaching complicated topics in 8th grade Georgia studies / Scott L. Roberts, Brandon M. Butler, Charles J. Elfer, David T. Kendrick, and Valerie Widdall -- Real stories, real people : foot soldiers laboring for the civil rights movement in Alabama / Janie Hubbard and Cory Callahan -- A self-study through video portraiture : the emotional dimensions of funds of knowledge in the southeastern borderlands / Eliza D. Butler and Jessica Espinosa -- "In school I really feel American" : complicating American identity-in-practice in a rural southern elementary school / Matthew M. Green -- "The new diversity challenge" : exploring Louisiana educators' preparedness to teach English learners / Maria Isolina Bravo-Ruiz.

Abstract
The southern United States is no stranger to hazard and disaster events. Intense hurricanes, drought, flooding, and other climate-sensitive hazards are commonplace and have outnumbered similar events in other areas of the United States annually in both scale and magnitude by a ratio of almost 4:1 during the past 10 years. While losses from climate-sensitive hazards are forecast to increase in the coming years, not all of the populations residing within these hazard zones have the same capacity to prepare for, respond to, cope with, and rebound from disaster events. The identification of these vulnerable populations and their location relative to zones of known or probably future hazard exposure is necessary for the development and implementation of effective adaptation, mitigation, and emergency management strategies. This paper provides an approach to regional assessments of hazards vulnerability by describing and integrating hazard zone information on four climate-sensitive hazards with socioeconomic and demographic data to create an index showing both the areal extent of hazard exposure and social vulnerability for the southern United States. When examined together, these maps provide an assessment of the likely spatial impacts of these climate-sensitive hazards and their variability. The identification of hotspots—counties with elevated exposures and elevated social vulnerability—highlights the distribution of the most at risk counties and the driving factors behind them. Results provide the evidentiary basis for developing targeted strategic initiatives for disaster risk reduction including preparedness for response and recovery and longer-term adaptation in those most vulnerable and highly impacted areas.

Supporters of the Confederate battle flag often argue that their support is driven by pride in the South, not negative racial attitudes. Opponents of the Confederate battle flag often argue that the flag represents racism, and that support for the flag is an expression of racism and an attempt to maintain oppression of Blacks in the Southern United States. We evaluate these two competing views in explaining attitudes toward the Confederate battle flag in the Southern United States through a survey of 526 Southerners. In the aggregate, our latent variable model suggests that White support for the flag is driven by Southern pride, political conservatism, and blatant negative racial attitudes toward Blacks. Using cluster-analysis we were able to distinguish four distinct sub-groups of White Southerners: Cosmopolitans, New Southerners, Traditionalists, and Supremacists. The greatest support for the Confederate battle flag is seen among Traditionalists and Supremacists; however, Traditionalists do not display blatant negative racial attitudes toward Blacks, while Supremacists do. Traditionalists make up the majority of Confederate battle flag supporters in our sample, weakening the claim that supporters of the flag are generally being driven by negative racial attitudes toward Blacks.

Supporters of the Confederate battle flag often argue that their support is driven by pride in the South, not negative racial attitudes. Opponents of the Confederate battle flag often argue that the flag represents racism, and that support for the flag is an expression of racism and an attempt to maintain oppression of Blacks in the Southern United States. We evaluate these two competing views in explaining attitudes toward the Confederate battle flag in the Southern United States through a survey of 526 Southerners. In the aggregate, our latent variable model suggests that White support for the flag is driven by Southern pride, political conservatism, and blatant negative racial attitudes toward Blacks. Using cluster-analysis we were able to distinguish four distinct sub-groups of White Southerners: Cosmopolitans, New Southerners, Traditionalists, and Supremacists. The greatest support for the Confederate battle flag is seen among Traditionalists and Supremacists; however, Traditionalists do not display blatant negative racial attitudes toward Blacks, while Supremacists do. Traditionalists make up the majority of Confederate battle flag supporters in our sample, weakening the claim that supporters of the flag are generally being driven by negative racial attitudes toward Blacks. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

The Southern United States, the fastest growing region in the nation, is comprised of the largest number of states and home to the largest population of residents compared to the other three U.S. regions. Americans in the South have been more likely to experience poor health outcomes, to be living in poverty, and to be uninsured than those in other regions. In addition, Southerners' tradition of hospitality, the high value placed on church attendance, and the large numbers of individuals identifying as members of racial and ethnic minority groups render the region particularly vulnerable to COVID-19. These factors intertwine to affect COVID-19's ability to devastate the South.