This article focuses on contemporary Messianic Judaism. The author deals particularly with the Chabad and Gush Emunim movements, which have established many settlements in the West Bank, Sinai Peninsula, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights. These settlements not only satisfy a vital need for living space but are also the expression of strong Messianic tension. This tension produces a mundus imaginalis (Corbin), the boundaries of which come between heaven and earth, between the biblical contours of the Promised Land and the harsh reality of a territory marked by war. The object of analysis is the toponymic politics developed by these Messianic movements in order to sacralize the territory in view of the coming of the Messiah.
Sacralization of politics characterizes tyrannies and democracies alike, functioning as strengthening power bases and maintaining continuity of collective identity. The goal of the study was to register these two directional processes in the modern political context of Georgia. The political landscape of Georgia after gaining independence is characterized by oscillation of voters between charismatic and rational leaders. Inauguration speeches of the presidents were subjected to thematic analysis to reveal religious allusions. All of them although to a different degree refereed to five main themes: Holy path and trial, hierarchies and Gods, rituals, national religious consciousness and anti secularism. Analysis proved the resemblance between the first and the third presidents, both being charismatic, emotional leaders, most often referring to holly path and trial, and religious national consciousness in contrast to the second president, who was steered more by rationality than emotion, referring to hierarchies and Gods, and rituals. Estimations of young voters of the leaders pointed to the preference to the first president – Gamsakhurdia. The idealization of the leaders occurred more in regard to charismatic leaders by those who proved to be less tolerant of ambiguity and hence, more striving to sustain black and white worldview. This result with some precautious can be taken as an indicator of the need to sacralize the leader and thus to maintain continuity and stability of collective identity.
In the post-war period, the rise of an international bipolar system compelled a strong ideological hardening of the political struggle between competing communism and anti-communism. The political conflict became a "clash of civilizations" and affected the overall vision of human life. The process of secularization, the crisis of positivism, the spread of the philosophy of action, the emergence of the masses on the political scene, and the evolution of technical knowledge require a drastic reconsideration of our understanding of political action, communication, and relations between elites and masses. In this perspective, the article analyzes the quality of the Christian Democratic anticommunism.
The involvement of the local Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) elite in a regional head election in East Java becomes the winning determiner. In a direct local election, elite religious roles significantly influence the constituent's vote. The elite utilizes religious hegemony in increasing society's political participation during an election. The era of new religious movement changes the tendencies of the thinking paradigm that, for the first time, women emerge as regional heads. This paper was aimed to analyze the hegemony of the religious elite based on Pesantren in the postmodernism era in regional head elections, especially in East Java. This research used qualitative research with a descriptive perspective and content analysis of qualitative data, which revealed that there is hegemony and patron-client movement of Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) among kyai, students, alumni, sympathizers, and Pesantren communities as a strategy to win regional head. The researcher used the elite theory approach and political participation theory—research data obtained from the library and document analysis from the affiliated institution. The formulation of this problem is how the religious elite hegemony the societies by increasing public participation and convincing voters to vote for women's candidates as governor. The analysis result remarks the hegemony of the religious elite becomes a tool to obtain power in a regional head election because there are significant influences of religious elite functioning giving dogmatize to society through religious routines ritual such as religion speech.
Abstract In the context of the ongoing memory and history war between Ukraine, Russia and the West, and the increased politicization of history displayed in museums, this thesis seeks to identify and analyze national narratives of the Holodomor in feature films, documentaries, monuments, and museums. The historical event of the Holodomor, which is called an artificial or man-made famine, occurred in Soviet Ukraine during the years of 1932–33. There is currently a debate concerning intentionality, number of direct deaths due to hunger and the role of the perpetrators where various numbers of dead range from 3.9 million to 10 million. The study itself can be characterized as part of Eastern-European Memory Studies and applies theories by Alexander Etkind, James E. Young, Astrid Erll and Aleida and Jan Assmann among others. The thesis also includes the analysis of debates on the Internet concerning fascist aspects of the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army), which allegedly collaborated with the Nazis in the massacre of Jews and Poles during the occupation of Ukraine in the Second World War. The narratives of the Holodomor and that of nationalist war criminality during the Second World War seems to be clashing. When one narrative is brought into use in for example film, the other is used to delegitimize and to some extent demonize the group deploying it. Some of the findings show that the narratives employed in the film Bitter Harvest and the documentary Harvest of Despair are of nationalistic character and fronts the iconic number of 7–10 million. We see that the filmic depictions, and to some extent, the Holodomor Museum in Kiev are all set in an antagonistic mode of remembering, demonizing the Russian other and describing the famine as genocide against the Ukrainian people. Other findings worth noting is that of the recontextualizing of images from the 1921–22 Russian famine in Harvest of Despair. These images of famine victims, mostly children, are used as evidence for the Holodomor of 1932–33. Further analysis of the Holodomor memorial complex shows that it is a modern and visually rich experience and that its online presence is up to date. Especially the virtual tour enables visitors from all over the world to experience the museum. Transnational monuments in North America are closely connected to the complex in Kiev and the pluri-medial context of the films, monuments and museums shows their potential to become powerful memory-making media.
Whereas Samuel Moyn has argued that human rights represent the last utopia, sociologist Hans Joas suggests that the modern history of human rights represents a critical alternative to the common theory of secularization understood as disenchantment (Weber). In Joas's reading, the political and social emphasis on human rights contributes to a sacralization of the person, not only understood as utopia, but also as societal ideal. Following Durkheim, Joas understands the sacred within the society as the continuous process of refashioning the ideal society within the real society. Although acknowledging Joas's critique of Weber, the author is more critical of his idealization of universal human rights and his affirmative genealogy of this ideal running back to the so-called Axial Age. Mjaaland argues that the normative and formative functions of human rights are better served by a suspicious genealogy of morals, taking also the problematic aspects of human rights policy into account, including its dependence on new forms of violence and cruelty. He concludes that a more modest and pragmatic understanding of human rights may therefore strengthen rather than weaken their authority and future influence.
Catholic world view goes through all Fina García Marruz's poetic production, whose poetry refers to the second half of the twentieth century revolutionary heroes and is full of biblical references. This essay shows how this writer who belonged to the group "Orígenes", takes advantage of evangelic textuality along with news events to blend in her work the sacredness of her religious vision with the heroism of different historical figures, where revolutionary process is linked to mercy and to the victory of biblical beatitudes, producing an elaborate poetic and religious ontology. ; La cosmovisión católica atraviesa toda la producción poética de Fina García Marruz, cuyo discurso poético referido a los héroes revolucionarios de la segunda parte del siglo XX está cargado referencias bíblicas. El presente ensayo muestra la manera en que la escritora del grupo Orígenes aprovecha la textualidad evangélica con los hechos noticiosos para fundir en su obra la sacralidad de su visión religiosa con la heroicidad de diversos personajes históricos, donde el proceso revolucionario aparece vinculado a la misericordia y a la victoria de las bienaventuranzas bíblicas, produciendo así una elaborada ontología poético-religiosa.
The article presents an analysis of the famous treatise Marsilius padua and Jean of Zhanden. The aim of this work was to determine the causes of disputes and wars that plagued the Western European society first quarter of the XIV century. Introducing two power institutes: church and state, the culprit troubles scientists called the Church of Rome, claiming to exercise not only spiritual, but also secular jurisdiction. The ideas, presented in the pages of the treatise, were reflected the political changes that have been associated with the strengthening of the imperial and royal power in Western Europe at the designated time.The study was conducted on the basis of the English translation of the source made by Alan Gewirth. ; В статье представлен анализ известного трактата Марсилия Падуанского и Жана Жанденського. Цель этого произведения состояла в определении причин раздоров и войн, которые омрачали жизнь западноевропейского общества первой четверти XIV в. Представляя два властных института — Церковь и государство, виновником смут ученые называли Римскую Церковь, которая претендует на осуществление не только духовной, но и светской юрисдикции. Идеи, изложенные на страницах трактата, стали отражением политических изменений, которые были связаны с усилением имперской и королевской власти в западноевропейских странах в указанное время.Исследование было проведено на основе английского перевода источника, выполненного Аланом Гевертом. ; У статті представлено аналіз відомого трактату Марсилія Падуанського і Жана Жанденського. Мета цього твору полягала у визначенні причин розбратів і воєн, які затьмарювали життя західноєвропейського суспільства першої чверті XIV ст. Представляючи два владних інститути — Церкву і державу, винуватцем смут вчені називали Римську Церкву, яка претендує на здійснення не тільки духовної, але й світської юрисдикції. Ідеї, викладені на сторінках трактату, стали відображенням політичних змін, які були пов'язані з посиленням імперської і королівської влади в західноєвропейських країнах в означений час.Дослідження було проведене на основі англійського перекладу джерела, виконаного Аланом Гевертом.
The article presents an analysis of the famous treatise Marsilius padua and Jean of Zhanden. The aim of this work was to determine the causes of disputes and wars that plagued the Western European society first quarter of the XIV century. Introducing two power institutes: church and state, the culprit troubles scientists called the Church of Rome, claiming to exercise not only spiritual, but also secular jurisdiction. The ideas, presented in the pages of the treatise, were reflected the political changes that have been associated with the strengthening of the imperial and royal power in Western Europe at the designated time.The study was conducted on the basis of the English translation of the source made by Alan Gewirth. ; В статье представлен анализ известного трактата Марсилия Падуанского и Жана Жанденського. Цель этого произведения состояла в определении причин раздоров и войн, которые омрачали жизнь западноевропейского общества первой четверти XIV в. Представляя два властных института — Церковь и государство, виновником смут ученые называли Римскую Церковь, которая претендует на осуществление не только духовной, но и светской юрисдикции. Идеи, изложенные на страницах трактата, стали отражением политических изменений, которые были связаны с усилением имперской и королевской власти в западноевропейских странах в указанное время.Исследование было проведено на основе английского перевода источника, выполненного Аланом Гевертом. ; У статті представлено аналіз відомого трактату Марсилія Падуанського і Жана Жанденського. Мета цього твору полягала у визначенні причин розбратів і воєн, які затьмарювали життя західноєвропейського суспільства першої чверті XIV ст. Представляючи два владних інститути — Церкву і державу, винуватцем смут вчені називали Римську Церкву, яка претендує на здійснення не тільки духовної, але й світської юрисдикції. Ідеї, викладені на сторінках трактату, стали відображенням політичних змін, які були пов'язані з посиленням імперської і королівської влади в західноєвропейських країнах в означений час.Дослідження було проведене на основі англійського перекладу джерела, виконаного Аланом Гевертом.
From the "Homo Sacer: The sovereign power and the naked Life" and then in "Endless Media: Notes on Politics"; Agamben exposes, appealing to ancient Greece, the original difficulty - if you will - of the fact that this civilization did not have a single term to express what we mean by the word LIFE. And this word is deeply linked to sacralization (Bare life), since when it is expressed, it fades or rather, it disappears in its most minimal sense. Sacralization is the end of life, in bare life. Our author (Agamben) says that the terms used by the Greeks were semantically and morphologically different: Zoé expressed the simple fact -continues Agamben- of living common to all living beings, while bios meant the form or way of living typical of an individual or group. This opposition gradually disappeared in modern languages ??without leaving any substantial difference alive. We wonder about the expression form of life, understanding, without detaching ourselves from Agamben, that it refers to the fact that a life that can never be separated from its form is a life in which it is never possible to isolate something like a nude. life. So we propose that once life is reduced to a bare life in priesthood, democracy remains in the hands of political robbery and corruption, which gradually causes its decline as an original popular expression. ; Desde el Homo sacer: el poder soberano y la nuda vida y luego en Medios sin fin. Notas sobre la política, Agamben expone, apelando a la antigua Grecia, la dificultad original —si se quiere— del hecho de que esta civilización no disponía de un término único para expresar lo que nosotros queremos decir con la palabra vida. Y esta palabra está hondamente ligada a sacerización, dado que cuando esta se expresa, aquella se desvanece o, mejor, desaparece en su acepción más mínima. La sacerización (sacralización) es el fin de la vida, en la nuda vida. Dice nuestro autor (Agamben) que los términos que usaban los griegos eran semántica y morfológicamente distintos: zoé expresaba el simple hecho —continúa Agamben— de vivir que es común a todos los vivientes, mientras que bíos significaba la forma o manera de vivir propia de un individuo o de un grupo. Esta oposición desapareció gradualmente en las lenguas modernas sin dejar viva ninguna diferencia sustancial. Nos preguntamos por la expresión forma de vida entendiendo, sin desprendernos de Agamben, que esta se refiere al hecho de que una vida que no puede separarse nunca de su forma es una vida en la que nunca es posible aislar algo como una nuda vida. Entonces planteamos que, una vez reducida la vida a una nuda vida en la sacerización, la democracia queda en manos del latrocinio político y la corrupción, lo cual provoca paulatinamente su declive en tanto expresión popular originaria. ; Do "Homo Sacer: O poder soberano e a vida nua" e depois em "Meios de comunicação sem fim: Notas sobre a política"; Agamben expõe, apelando para a Grécia antiga, a dificuldade original - se preferir - do fato de esta civilização não ter um único termo para expressar o que entendemos pela palavra VIDA. E esta palavra está profundamente ligada à sacerização, pois ao ser expressa, ela se esvai, ou melhor, desaparece no seu sentido mais mínimo. Esta reflexão não tenta uma reivindicação semântica. Os termos usados ??pelos gregos eram semântica e morfologicamente diferentes: Zoé expressava o simples fato - continua Agamben - de viver comum a todos os seres vivos, enquanto bios significava o modo ou modo de vida próprio de um indivíduo ou de um grupo. Essa oposição desapareceu gradualmente nas línguas modernas, sem deixar nenhuma diferença substancial viva. Questionamo-nos sobre a expressão forma de vida, entendendo, sem nos afastarmos de Agamben, que se refere ao fato de que uma vida que nunca pode ser separada de sua forma é uma vida em que nunca é possível isolar algo como um nu. vida. Assim, propomos que, uma vez que a vida seja reduzida a uma vida nua no sacerização, a democracia permaneça nas mãos do roubo político e da corrupção, o que gradualmente provoca seu declínio como expressão popular originária.
En este trabajo nos proponemos analizar las prácticas de religiosidad en el Obispado de Córdoba del Tucumán a fines del siglo XVIII y principios del XIX. Observaremos cómo estas prácticas, componente fundamental de la identidad colectiva, son resignificadas al calor de la Revolución de Mayo a través de una transferencia de sacralidad que permitió a la naciente república, las Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata para este momento, aunar el imaginario colectivo con un nuevo panteón sagrado. ; In this article we will analyze the religious practices in the Diocese of Cordoba del Tucuman at the end of the Eighteenth and the beginning of the Nineteenth century. We will study how these practices, a fundamental component of the social identity, were redefined with the May Revolution through the transfer of sacrality. This process allowed the recently created republic –the Provincias Unidas del Rio de la Plata at that moment- to unite the social imaginary with a new "sacred" pantheon. ; Fil: Mazzoni, María Laura. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani". Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani"; Argentina
Heritage formation involves some kind of sacralization, through which cultural forms are lifted up and set apart. But success is not guaranteed in the making of heritage, and the cultural forms that are singled out may well fail to persuade. Heritage formation is a complicated, contested political—aesthetic process that requires detailed scholarly explorations and comparative analysis. Which aesthetic practices are involved in profiling cultural forms as heritage? What are the politics of authentication that underpin the selection and framing of particular cultural forms? To which contestations does the sacralization of particular cultural forms—in particular, those derived from the sphere of religion—give rise? Which aesthetics of persuasion are invoked to render heritage sacred for its beholders? Calling attention to various facets of the relation between heritage and the sacred, this special issue offers detailed explorations of how form, style, and appearance seek to vest selected objects and performative practices with sacrality.
The article describes sacralization practices in relation to the image of Hugo Chavez, specifically the events that take place annually on March 5th, to commemorate the death of the Venezuelan ex-president, specially in a low income neighborhood in Caracas called "23 de Enero" located west of the Venezuelan capital. In this area of the city the residents built a chapel consecrated to Saint Hugo Chavez, this place became the epicenter of the sacred cult to this political leader. Based on the theoretical approach of Catherine Bell about ritualization practices, and Victor Turner´s notion communitas, the ceremony that took place in this chapel in March 2018 is analyzed based on ethnographic research. In this recent event its participants deny the death of this political leader, and they refer to "the sowing of the eternal and supreme commander", which means that according to the practitioners the deep roots continue to consolidate the Bolivarian Revolution. Later on I examine how this celebration on March 5th is, at the same time, political and religious. From the cult perspective, the belief that Chavez is a superhuman figure reaffirmed the experience that he operates in the world of the living as a human figure that is remembered for his political actions as a chief of state. ; El artículo describe prácticas de sacralización en torno a la figura de Hugo Chávez, específicamente los hechos que se registran cada 5 de marzo, fecha en la que se conmemora la muerte del expresidente venezolano. Estas acciones se han visibilizado en una popular barriada caraqueña llamada 23 de enero, ubicada al oeste de la capital venezolana, sector en el que un grupo de vecinos construyó una capilla consagrada a San Hugo Chávez, convertida en epicentro del culto sagrado a este líder político. Partiendo de las posiciones teóricas de Catherine Bell sobre prácticas de ritualización y de Víctor Turner acerca del sentido de communitas, se analiza etnográficamente la ceremonia que se realizó en esta capilla en marzo de 2018, en la cual los participantes niegan la muerte y prefieren hablar de la "siembra del comandante eterno y supremo", es decir, de las raíces profundas que, desde su perspectiva, siguen consolidando a la Revolución Bolivariana. Posteriormente, afirmo, cómo esta fiesta del cinco de marzo es al mismo tiempo, religiosa y política. Desde el punto de vista del culto, se reafirma la vivencia en donde Chávez es simultáneamente una figura suprahumana que opera en el mundo de los vivos y, a su vez, una figura humana que se rememora por sus actos políticos desarrollados como Jefe de Estado.
The article deals with the main mechanisms of power legitimization and sacralization in Medieval states of Eastern Europe. The analysis of a ruler`s power based on personal qualities and sacrality is given. The author pays the great attention to administrative, political, military abilities of the Princes of Rus` and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the process of power institutionalization in comparison with the same processes in Medieval Western Europe. Theoretical aspects of power legitimacy are analyzed.
Tra il 1936 e il 1943 la Spagna visse un periodo di guerra civile e scontri fra la Falange e la Chiesa. Tutto ciò non fece altro che innalzare la figura di Franco, un generale, che viene sacralizzato e che governò per quasi 40 anni ; The sacralization of politics and politization of the sacred occurred between 1936 to 1943 thanks to the war and the religious persecution. Franco gained power and became a god-like dictator.
