This article analyzes the discussion between Jean-Paul Sartre's humanism and Michel Foucault's antihumanism. Foucault critiqued Sartre for building his philosophy from the concept of man. Sartre reproached Foucault's lack of originality and his carelessness with history. The article tries to show the bias that feeds Foucault's and Sartre's positions. While Foucault hastily reads Sartre's humanism, placing it in the modern episteme, Sartre orients his dismissive theoretical remarks through his political convictions. ; En este artículo se analiza el humanismo de Jean-Paul Sartre y el antihumanismo de Michel Foucault, para abordar, así, la discusión sostenida entre estos dos pensadores. Foucault critica a Sartre por construir su filosofía a partir del concepto de hombre. Sartre reprocha a Foucault su escasa originalidad y el descuido de la historia. Trataremos de mostrar los sesgos que alimentan las posiciones foucaultianas y sartrianas. Mientras que Foucault realiza una lectura apresurada del humanismo sartriano, ubicándolo en la episteme moderna; Sartre orienta, a partir de sus convicciones políticas, las descalificaciones teóricas en contra de Foucault.
Ce dossier rassemble des articles en plusieurs langues publiés par Sens Public sur, avec ou contre, Jean-Paul Sartre. Sont abordés les thèmes de la philosophie, de la littérature, depuis les écrits de jeunesse, l'engagement de Sartre en politique, les influences, les polémiques avec d'autres auteurs, l'héritage sartrien.
Sartre and Nizan, politique of words The aim of this article is to discuss and compare the main points of Nizan's and Sartre's views of committed literature. Discarding the claim to be objective and neutral, Nizan states that to abstain is to make a choice. Therefore, he critiques the intellectuals to be guilty of an abdication of responsibility. In his writings (specially Antoine Bloyé [1933], The Trojan Horse [1935], The Conspiracy [1938]) Nizan posed some questions, which became crucial for the postwar debates on the engagement of the intellectual. These questions constitute a central aspect of Sartre's writings after World War II, where Sartre criticizes writers who had not taken a stance against oppression and delineates the axes of a theory of committed literature. As a result of the comparative analysis between the two authors, it is shown that Sartre articulates an important point that Nizan have missed, namely that there is a praxis, which is specific to literature and that we should part from it in order to understand commitment. Thus, at the difference of Nizan, Sartre points out that the liberating dimension of literary criticism should not be too quickly confused with armed criticism.
Sartre and Nizan, politique of words The aim of this article is to discuss and compare the main points of Nizan's and Sartre's views of committed literature. Discarding the claim to be objective and neutral, Nizan states that to abstain is to make a choice. Therefore, he critiques the intellectuals to be guilty of an abdication of responsibility. In his writings (specially Antoine Bloyé [1933], The Trojan Horse [1935], The Conspiracy [1938]) Nizan posed some questions, which became crucial for the postwar debates on the engagement of the intellectual. These questions constitute a central aspect of Sartre's writings after World War II, where Sartre criticizes writers who had not taken a stance against oppression and delineates the axes of a theory of committed literature. As a result of the comparative analysis between the two authors, it is shown that Sartre articulates an important point that Nizan have missed, namely that there is a praxis, which is specific to literature and that we should part from it in order to understand commitment. Thus, at the difference of Nizan, Sartre points out that the liberating dimension of literary criticism should not be too quickly confused with armed criticism.
Il mio articolo è incentrato sullo statuto della dialettica materialista in Sartre, soprattutto in riferimento alla seconda parte della Critica della ragione dialettica, con i punti di continuità e insieme con le linee di demarcazione rispetto al marxismo. Il tentativo è di tenere insieme, seppur instabilmente, l'indagine sull'intelligibilità della Storia con un approccio che si fa carico delle istanze del materialismo marxiano, con una forte valorizzazione della dimensione politica delle lotte, ma all'interno dello spazio specifico della situazione.
The death of Jean-Paul Sartre in 1980 marked the end of a period and a unique outlook on intellectual life. The exceptional interdependence between his life and his thinking is what makes him so close and so fascinating, and turns him into the absolute intellectual of his time. The floundering of communism led to an irreversible crisis of the relation between intellectuals and politics. This disenchantment of communism had a deep impact in the theoretical field and produced a mutation in the intellectual landscape that caused the end of Sartrian supremacy in the intellectual field. In spite of the negative appreciations voiced in France after his disappearance, Sartre remained the most famous French intellectual abroad. Jean-Paul Sartre, in effect, is not only the symbol of political error that many will always retain as their image of him - he is also the author of a monumental body of work still clearly fertile, and he undoubtedly remains the emblem of the engaged intellectual and philosopher of liberty par excellence. ; Con la muerte de Jean-Paul Sartre, en 1980, desaparecía una época y una forma de concebir la vida intelectual. La articulación excepcional que encontramos entre su vida y su pensamiento es la que hace a Sartre tan cercano y tan fascinante, y lo convierte en el intelectual absoluto de su época. La descomposición del comunismo condujo a una crisis irreversible de la relación de los intelectuales con la política. Este periodo de desencanto del comunismo tuvo profundas repercusiones en el campo teórico y produjo una mutación en el paisaje intelectual que tuvo como consecuencia el fin de la supremacía sartreana en el campo intelectual. Pero a pesar de que después de su desaparición se hicieron en Francia balances negativos, Sartre no dejó de ser el intelectual francés más conocido en el extranjero. En efecto, Jean-Paul Sartre no es solamente aquel símbolo del error político que muchos recordaran siempre, el es también el autor de una obra monumental cuya fecundidad esta lejos de haber sido agotada, la Figura emblemática del intelectual comprometido y el filósofo de la libertad por excelencia.
Between his first philosophical works and his last, Jean-Paul Sartre radically changed his philosophical outlook. The reasons for this change can be found in European history and Sartre's detailed study of twentieth-century protest movements. Between the end of the Second World War and the 1960s, French intellectuals began an intensive period of introspection, examining the complex relationship between History and social justice. Sartre and the group of intellectuals associated with him combined to fight against Stalinism while searching for a new theory of political action. This thesis discusses the abrupt termination of the ethical project that Sartre proposed to base on his original phenomenological examinations, and discusses his and Simone de Beauvoir's first attempts to construct an Existentialist ethic. Sartre changed from being an Existentialist to a Marxist to finally, late in life, abandoning Marxism in favour of a never well-defined philosophy. But in the Critique of Dialectical Reason, the last of his serious philosophical works, he responded to his ex-friends's critiques in the light of his study of Eastern European history, particularly, the Revolution in Hungary. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
The article is devoted to the North American Sartre Society, which was founded in 1985. The author as its co-founder develops his point of view presenting during panel discussion of Sartre's relations with the United States on the 2015 meeting. He devoted a lot of papers and books to Sartre's philosophy. Some of them are presented in the references. The author reflects at a somewhat deeper level on Sartre's attitudes towards USA in the context of its history and international relations, saying about philosopher's contradictions, the strategy and tactics of his self-disinvitation. The author traces Sartre's transition from one myth of America to another in later life. Sartre's initial experiential encounter with the American reality was by no means entirely positive, but he did like New York City, feeling a sense of freedom in the midst of its crowds that he retained as an important part of his picture of America when back in France. Freedom, an open future, almost unlimited possibilities, and a lack of a sense of history of the sort by which Europe is shackled. Several events of the postwar world history such as Korean war, then Vietnam war paved the way for Sartre's most salient later attitudes towards America. Meanwhile, Sartre had accepted an invitation to present lectures at Cornell University in 1965. But after American massive bombing of North Vietnam in 1965 Sartre responded by disinviting himself from Cornell by way of protest. Recounting these events, the author of the paper recalls so-called "Cornell Lectures", which were saved in unfinished manuscript form and have been given the title "Morale et Histoire". A serious interest in American political life is shown on Sartre's and Beauvoir's visit to Cuba as guests of Fidel Castro and Sartre's participation in Lord Bertrand Russell's independent War Crimes Tribunal. ; Стаття присвячена північноамериканському товариству Сартра, заснованому 1985 року. Автор як один з його засновників розвиває точку зору, презентовану під час панельного обговорення відносин Сартра зі Сполученими Штатами на зустрічі 2015 року. Філософії Сартра присвячено багато його книг, деякі з них наведені в кінці статті. Автор аналізує ставлення Сартра до США на більш глибокому рівні: в контексті історії країни та міжнародних відносин, говорячи про протиріччя філософа, стратегію і тактику його самоусунення. Автор відстежує перехід Сартра від одного міфу про Америку до іншого в більш пізній період життя філософа. Первісна зустріч Сартра з американською дійсністю не була цілком позитивною, але він насправді любив Нью-Йорк, відчуваючи почуття свободи на тлі його натовпів, яке він після повернення до Франції зберіг як важливу частину своєї картини Америки. Свобода, відкрите майбутнє, майже необмежені можливості і відсутність почуття історії, яким скута Європа. Декілька подій післявоєнної світової історії, таких як війна в Кореї, а потім війна у В'єтнамі, зумовили особливе ставлення Сартра до Америки. 1965 року Сартр прийняв запрошення виступити з лекціями в Корнелльському університеті. Але після масового бомбардування США Північного В'єтнаму 1965 року Сартр самоусунувся від Корнелла на знак протесту. Розповідаючи про ці події, автор статті згадує так звані «лекції Корнелла», збережені в незавершеній формі рукопису і які отримали назву «Мораль та історія». Серйозний інтерес до американського політичного життя виявився під час візиту Сартра і Бовуар на Кубу в якості гостей Фіделя Кастро і участі філософа в незалежному Трибуналі лорда Бертрана Рассела з військових злочинів. 1. McBride W. (1967) "Jean-Paul Sartre: Man, Freedom, and Praxis", in Existential Philosophers, ed. G. Schrader, McGraw-Hill, New York, pp. 261-329. 2. McBride W. (1969) "Sartre and the Phenomenology of Social Violence," New Essays in Phenomenology, ed. J. Edie, Quadrangle, New York, pp. 290-313. 3. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre and Marxism," in The Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre, ed. P. Schilpp, Open Court, La Salle, Ill., pp. 605-630. 4. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre's Philosophy of History," Eros 8:1, pp. 71-81.5. McBride W. (1987) "The Evolution of Sartre's Conception of Morals," Phenomenological Inquiry, Oct. 1987, pp. 24-44. 6. McBride W. (winter 1989) "The Case of Sartre," Social Research 56, 4 , pp. 849-875. 7. McBride W. (1991) Sartre's Political Theory, Indiana University Press. 8. McBride W. (1992) "Sartre's Concept of Freedom," Phenomenological Inquiry 16, (Oct. ), pp. 64-76. 9. McBride W. (1993) "La philosophie politique sartrienne d'apre1s le deuxie1me tome de la Critique de la raison dialectique," Gli scritti postumi di Sartre, ed. Invitto and Montano, Casa Ed. Marietti, Genoa, pp. 227-238. 10. McBride W. (1993)"Le changement, la liberte2, et le socialisme (sovie2tique et autre) chez Sartre," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise V, 2-3, pp. 27-43. 11. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre and the Perspectives of Global Philosophy (interview)," in Philosophy at the End of the XXth Century, interviews by Y. Raynova, Izdatelstvo, Pleven, pp. 137-147, (in Bulgarian) 12. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre's Debts to Kierkegaard: A Partial Reckoning," in Kierkegaard in Post/Modernity, ed. Matuštík and Westphal, Indiana U. Press, Bloomington, pp. 18-42 13. McBride W. (1998) "Sartre à1 Eichsta#tt," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Française X, 1(spring), pp. 69-70. 14. McBride W. (2000) "Des preuves ontologiques chez Descartes et Sartre: Dieu, le 'je', et le groupe," in L' Esprit Carte2sien (Actes du XXVI Congre1s de l'Association des Socie2te2s de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise) II, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris, pp. 645-650. 15. McBride W. (2001) "Les premiers comptes rendus de L'Être et le ne2ant," in La Naissance du 'Phe2nome1ne Sartre': Raisons d' un succe1s 1938-1945, ed. I. Galster, Éditions du Seuil, Paris, pp. 185-199. 16. McBride W. (2001) "Merleau-Ponty and Sartre: The Singular Universal, Childhood, and Social Explanation," in Merleau-Ponty's Later Works and Their Practical Implications: The Dehiscence of Responsibility, ed. D. Davis, Humanity Books, Amherst, NY, pp. 63-86. 17. McBride W. (2002) "Sartre's Critique," in The Political, ed. D. Ingram, Malden/Oxford, Blackwell, pp. 132-148. 18. McBride W. (2004) "Sartre's Response to Kant's Question, 'What May I Hope?", in Mulla Sadra, Logic & Ethics (Islam-West Philosophical Dialogue, Volume 8), Tehran: Sadra Islamic Philosophy Research Institute, pp. 333-48. 19. McBride W. (2006) "Foreword" to Michelle R. Darnell, Self in the Theoretical Writings of Sartre and Kant: A Revisionist Study, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 2006, pp. I-iii. 20. McBride W. (2007)"Sartre e Beauvoir all'asse del ventesimo secolo," tr. from the original French ("Sartre et Beauvoir à1 l'axe du vingtie1 me sie1cle") by P. Invitto, La fenomenologia e l'oltre-fenomenologia: Prendendo spunto dal pensiero francese, ed. G. Invitto, Milan, Mimesis Edizioni, pp. 91-101. 21. McBride W. (2007) "The Sartre Centenary: Why Sartre Now?", Phenomenology 2005: Selected Essays from North America, ed. L.Embree & T.Nenon, Bucharest, Zeta Books, pp.441-57. 22. McBride W. (2009) "Taking a Distance: Exploring Some Points of Divergence between Beauvoir and Sartre," in Beauvoir and Sartre: The Riddle of Influence, ed. C. Daigle & J. Golomb, Indiana University Press, pp. 189-202.23. McBride W. (2010) "Sartre and Phenomenology," in Vol. 4, Phenomenology: Responses and Developments," ed. L. Lawlor, of The History of Continental Philosophy, ed. A. Schrift, Durham, Acumen, pp. 67-85. 24. McBride W. (2011)" Jean-Paul Sartre:'In the Soup'," in Political Philosophy in the Twentieth Century: Authors and Arguments, ed.C. Zuckert, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, pp. 215-227. 25. McBride W. (2012) Pra2face à1 Esthe1tique de la Re2flexivite2: Essai sur la dimension interculturelle de l'anthropologie existentielle de J.-P. Sartre, par Nke Fridolin, Saarbru#cken, Éditions Universitaires Europe2ennes, pp. 11-16. 26. McBride W. (2013) "Politics and the Engaged Intellectual," in Jean-Paul Sartre: Key Concepts, ed. S. Churchill and J. Reynolds, Durham, Acumen Publishing, pp.173-183. 27. McBride W. (2016) "La dignite2 humaine et la Pre2face sartrienne aux Damne2s de la terre," Dioge1ne 253 , (Janv.-Mars), pp. 86-90.
International audience ; This paper reaffirms the rather close links between Gorz and Sartre. In a political theory approach, it seeks to show how Sartre, who did not theorize ecology, can be usefully used to theorize political ecology, perhaps better than Gorz, who has always acknowledged his debt to his master. ; Cet article rappelle les liens assez étroits qui relient Gorz à Sartre. Dans une démarche de théorie politique il cherche à montrer comment Sartre, qui n'a pas pensé l'écologie, peut être utilement mobilisé pour penser l'écologie politique, peut-être mieux que Gorz, qui a toujours reconnu sa dette envers son maître.
International audience ; This paper reaffirms the rather close links between Gorz and Sartre. In a political theory approach, it seeks to show how Sartre, who did not theorize ecology, can be usefully used to theorize political ecology, perhaps better than Gorz, who has always acknowledged his debt to his master. ; Cet article rappelle les liens assez étroits qui relient Gorz à Sartre. Dans une démarche de théorie politique il cherche à montrer comment Sartre, qui n'a pas pensé l'écologie, peut être utilement mobilisé pour penser l'écologie politique, peut-être mieux que Gorz, qui a toujours reconnu sa dette envers son maître.
Der Artikel enthält Zusammenfassungen nur in Englisch und Französisch ; Claiming responsibility is not exclusively ethical or moral, but also political and ideological. The topic of the writer's responsibility is at the heart of the main debates in the period 1914-1945. The French Intelligentsia stated its stand on the effective and active engagement of the intellectuals under the circumstances of having taken part in history. Until the end of the 1920s, intellectual commitment was feeble. It was only after the end of the 1930s that the intellectual commitment was "theorized", gradually taking off to culminate with Sartre after the Second World War – the great figure of the intellectual committed. ; Revendiquer une responsabilité n'est pas exclusivement d'ordre éthique et moral, mais aussi politique et idéologique. Le thème de la responsabilité de l'écrivain est à l'origine des principaux débats de la période 1914-1945. L'intelligentsia française se prononce au sujet de l'engagement effectif et actif de l'intellectuel dans des circonstances où ils ont pris part à l'histoire. Jusqu'à la fin des années 20, l'engagement intellectuel se fait faiblement sentir. Ce n'est qu'après la fin des années 30 que l'engagement intellectuel est « théorisé », prenant peu à peu, son envol pour en arriver à son apogée, après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale avec Sartre - grande figure de l'intellectuel engagé.
By questioning the logic of practice as the main topic of intellectual life in France in the 1960s, we shall undertake a confrontation between the ideas of Foucault and Sartre. Without playing down their differences of opinion, which have often been emphasized by the humanist dispute, we shall endeavor to bring forward a topic these two authors share: the proposal of an attempt at the intelligibility of practice, based on a duly defined historic material. Such a confrontation will enable us to examine thoroughly the notions of praxis, genealogy, and the politics of truth. This will entail radically new theories about a "situated thought" shared by both the universal intellectual and the specific intellectual, about a "historic and philosophical" practice which will not hold its object – the "practical ensembles" too close and will not derealize or overhang it, in a complex relation between past and present. The theoretical space which is open in this manner between Foucault and Sartre on the question of the intelligibility of practice also permits a confrontation with Marx and marxisms (Althusser mainly), as well as with social sciences (Bourdieu mostly). ; Partant d'un questionnement sur la logique de la pratique comme enjeu central de la vie intellectuelle française des années 1960, ce travail propose d'articuler une rencontre entre les pensées de Foucault et de Sartre. Sans minimiser leurs divergences, par quoi on a coutume de les opposer dans le cadre de la querelle de l'humanisme, il s'agit de faire apparaître un enjeu commun aux deux auteurs : la proposition d'une mise en intelligibilité de la pratique, entée sur un matériau historique dûment circonscrit. Cette rencontre permet de revisiter les notions de praxis, de généalogie, de politique de la vérité. Cela implique tout un renouvellement du geste théorique du côté d'une pensée en situation commune à l'intellectuel universel et à l'intellectuel spécifique, d'une pratique « historico-philosophique » soucieuse de saisir à bonne distance son objet – les « ...
By questioning the logic of practice as the main topic of intellectual life in France in the 1960s, we shall undertake a confrontation between the ideas of Foucault and Sartre. Without playing down their differences of opinion, which have often been emphasized by the humanist dispute, we shall endeavor to bring forward a topic these two authors share: the proposal of an attempt at the intelligibility of practice, based on a duly defined historic material. Such a confrontation will enable us to examine thoroughly the notions of praxis, genealogy, and the politics of truth. This will entail radically new theories about a "situated thought" shared by both the universal intellectual and the specific intellectual, about a "historic and philosophical" practice which will not hold its object – the "practical ensembles" too close and will not derealize or overhang it, in a complex relation between past and present. The theoretical space which is open in this manner between Foucault and Sartre on the question of the intelligibility of practice also permits a confrontation with Marx and marxisms (Althusser mainly), as well as with social sciences (Bourdieu mostly). ; Partant d'un questionnement sur la logique de la pratique comme enjeu central de la vie intellectuelle française des années 1960, ce travail propose d'articuler une rencontre entre les pensées de Foucault et de Sartre. Sans minimiser leurs divergences, par quoi on a coutume de les opposer dans le cadre de la querelle de l'humanisme, il s'agit de faire apparaître un enjeu commun aux deux auteurs : la proposition d'une mise en intelligibilité de la pratique, entée sur un matériau historique dûment circonscrit. Cette rencontre permet de revisiter les notions de praxis, de généalogie, de politique de la vérité. Cela implique tout un renouvellement du geste théorique du côté d'une pensée en situation commune à l'intellectuel universel et à l'intellectuel spécifique, d'une pratique « historico-philosophique » soucieuse de saisir à bonne distance son objet – les « ...
Con la muerte de Jean-Paul Sartre, en 1980, desaparecía una época y una forma de concebir la vida intelectual. La articulación excepcional que encontramos entre su vida y su pensamiento es la que hace a Sartre tan cercano y tan fascinante, y lo convierte en el intelectual absoluto de su época. La descomposición del comunismo condujo a una crisis irreversible de la relación de los intelectuales con la política. Este periodo de desencanto del comunismo tuvo profundas repercusiones en el campo teórico y produjo una mutación en el paisaje intelectual que tuvo como consecuencia el fin de la supremacía sartreana en el campo intelectual. Pero a pesar de que después de su desaparición se hicieron en Francia balances negativos, Sartre no dejó de ser el intelectual francés más conocido en el extranjero. En efecto, Jean-Paul Sartre no es solamente aquel símbolo del error político que muchos recordaran siempre, el es también el autor de una obra monumental cuya fecundidad esta lejos de haber sido agotada, la Figura emblemática del intelectual comprometido y el filósofo de la libertad por excelencia. ; The death of Jean-Paul Sartre in 1980 marked the end of a period and a unique outlook on intellectual life. The exceptional interdependence between his life and his thinking is what makes him so close and so fascinating, and turns him into the absolute intellectual of his time. The floundering of communism led to an irreversible crisis of the relation between intellectuals and politics. This disenchantment of communism had a deep impact in the theoretical field and produced a mutation in the intellectual landscape that caused the end of Sartrian supremacy in the intellectual field. In spite of the negative appreciations voiced in France after his disappearance, Sartre remained the most famous French intellectual abroad. Jean-Paul Sartre, in effect, is not only the symbol of political error that many will always retain as their image of him - he is also the author of a monumental body of work still clearly fertile, and he undoubtedly remains the emblem of the engaged intellectual and philosopher of liberty par excellence.
L'engagement de Sartre à écrire, nous l'identifions, contrairement à certains sartrologues et à Sartre lui-même, dès ses premières œuvres. C'est pourquoi nous avons entrepris de relire Le Mur, pièce essentielle dans la structure de l'anthropologie existentielle par l'effort subtil que l'auteur y met pour débrancher les ressorts intimes de la misanthropie et du racisme. La verve avec laquelle M. Darbédat et Paul Hilbert discriminent leurs proches, voire entreprennent de liquider ceux-ci, contraste avec leur apparente lucidité. Mais nous avons réalisé que le problème de Sartre est ailleurs, dans les colonies françaises notamment, et c'est celui-ci : comment peut-on, par exemple, entreprendre de piller, de torturer et de commettre des génocides dans les colonies et se proposer, par ailleurs, de cultiver la liberté, l'égalité et la fraternité chez soi ? Ici, on appréhende de plus en plus la perspective que l'exigence philosophique sartrienne ne se confonde plus avec l'exercice de la raison spéculative, mais se présente plutôt comme un recours constant à l'intelligence. D'où la problématisation de l'affectivité qu'elle induit. ; I try to reveal the value of the Sartrean model of intentional consciousness in understanding the human relationships and the political conflicts of our time. I examine the cultural aspects of Sartre's thought. Sartre's existential anthropology of the historical real-life refers to a complex philosophical method inspired by Husserl's phenomenology, Freud's psychoanalysis and Marx's dialectic. It aims at understanding individual's imaginary and behavior. Using that method, not only are we able to reveal the structure of people's intentions in building and defending their personal and national interests, but also can we manifest the imaginary that constitute what Sartre designates by Dog's mind, that meant criminal's and racist's beliefs. Sartre used his method in understanding writers as Baudelaire, Flaubert or Genet, who was also a criminal. Our intention is to apply psycho-analysis in understanding great figures of human history, such as Hitler, the "Dog" of our time, so that we shall be able to built harmless intercultural relationships.