Zu den Kriegen des Sassaniden Schapur I
In: Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1947,5
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In: Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1947,5
In: Journal of the economic and social history of the Orient: Journal d'histoire économique et sociale de l'orient, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 243
ISSN: 1568-5209
In: Journal of the economic and social history of the Orient: Journal d'histoire économique et sociale de l'orient, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 243-248
ISSN: 1568-5209
In: Res orientales 1
In: Res orientales 1
There is an outstanding action displayed in a great many of the scenes of the inscriptions on the containers, seals and coins from various archaeological eras, including those of Parthians and Sassanid. The action is defined with it being given a ring which resides in various scenes and inscriptions featuring different ornamentation as well as in different individuals' hands. The majority of the scenes depict the carrying of the ring in hands between two personalities: Ahura Mazda and the king, the goddess and the king, the queen and satrap, the queen and the king, the king and the successor and the goddess and the goddess. It is worth mentioning that the ring is only in the hand of one figure with no counterpart in some of the science. The archaeologists doing research in this regard, including Roman Ghirshman, Luis Vandenberg, Robert Hertsfeld, John Kurtis, Sayyed Rasoul Musavi, Haji Ali Akbar Sarafraz and others, have all pointed to one single subject indicating that the intended ring is a sign of granting the kingship ring, sultanate or power with the explanation being that the ring gifted from the God to the king indicates His granting of power and sultanate to the king and/or the granting of the ring by the king to the satrap is indicative of his gifting of power to satrap hence legitimizing him. The present study aims at criticizing the theory and determining the semantic and symbolic load of the ring role as well as the ring's different use cases in the various scenes. According to the researches done by the author in the present study, the granting of the ring with the objective of transferring the power or sultanate cannot perfectly convey the content of the inscriptions and many contradictions come about in various scenes considering such a semantic load. That is because the symbolic load of the ring is defined based on a deductive reasoning in doing so. It was concluded in an investigation of the extant inscriptions and recognition of the content of each work that the ring can be an indicator of the unification between two opposing personalities hence reflective of the unity and association in religious and political terms in such a manner that the carrying of the ring in hand between the God and the king showcases the unification between these two personalities and it can be stated that both personalities exemplify their own specific procedures. King stands for government and Ahura Mazda models religion and, considering that both these figures have taken the ring of unification in their hands, it is illustrative of the unification between the government or sultanate with religion or creed and a supernatural power. It is noteworthy that there is a defining of a special subject in every scene wherein unification has been demonstrated. This underlying subject has been classified into three sets by the author: 1) established unification; 2) unification in progress; 3) unification request. The present study introduces scenes of the inscriptions with ring of unification following which the issue will be perfectly analyzed and interpreted. The current research paper is a descriptive-analytical research that has been conducted based on library method.
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In: Bulletin de la Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, Band 10, Heft 7, S. 285-301
The Achaemenid Empire collapsed after the failure of King Darius III to stop the sweeping advance of Alexander in Anatolia towards Persia. Therefore, Alexander entered Babylon in 331 BC before advancing into the heartland of Persia itself and occupying its other major cities and advancing from there into India. At this point, begins to describe the period of the Greek domination at the return of Alexander to Babylon, which was followed, later on by yet another period of Persian domination of Mesopotamia. During his stay in Babylon Alexander looked into the conditions of the irrigation and water works. Although the canal networks were in good conditions when they were left from the Archimedean's time, he nevertheless ordered the cleaning of all the canal intakes on the Euphrates River. His major undertaking, however, was to solve the problem of the canal called the Popallacopas. This canal was used to pass the floodwater of the Euphrates down to the marshes and from there to the Persian Gulf while the Euphrates continued its course through Babylon in the reach, which was known, as the Babil River. Every flood season the Popallacopas closing dike was breached to pass the flood but the task of constructing it back afterwards was very difficult. The closure was necessary to ensure suitably high water levels to serve Babylon itself during the low water season, the closing operation of the intake, which was located in a ground of sandy soils, needed large working force of not less than 10000 men. Following the advice of his engineers, Alexander solved this problem by excavating a new head reach channel from another location above the first one but located in good and firm ground. Alexander 's next move was aimed at the reclamation of the marshy lands located near the present day of Najaf and to this end he constructed a massive earthen dyke between Babil River and the marsh north of the present day town of al-Shanafiyah as a preliminary step to dry the marsh and then prepare it for canalization and cultivation. Alexander premature death in June of the year 331BC however put an end to this work. In the aftermath of Alexander's death his empire was divided between his generals; Persia, Mesopotamia and Anatolia passed to Alexander's general Seleucus I Nicator who founded the Seleucid Empire (648-312BC) and succeeded in extending it also to cover the whole region of the Fertile Crescent. Various Persian satrapies (vassal kingdoms) such as Aria, Parthia, Fars, Media, Atropatene, paid taxes to the Seleucids but ruled with a great deal of independence. Seleucus inaugurated his reign by building a new capital for the empire, which was the Seleucia-on-Tigris on the western bank of the Tigris 60 kilometers northeast of Babylon, not far from the confluence of Tigris and Diyala.The lands of Mesopotamia at this point in time, had been already irrigated successfully by a system of canals maintained under the supervision of the State and agriculture was as usual the prime and most important basis of all the prosperity the empire had enjoyed. However, being a corridor between east and west Mesopotamia remained at the middle of conflicts with other outside powers and new rising tribal forces seeking to have their own kingdoms and empires. This was the case with the Parthians coming from the Persian heartland that had rebelled against the Seleucids after being vassals to them, and then vanquished their empire and took over its domains including Mesopotamia. In establishing themselves in Mesopotamia the Parthians moved their capital to Ctesiphon on the eastern bank of the Tigris opposite to Seleucia-on-Tigris about 58 BC, and remained the capital of the this empire until it was passed to the hands of the next Persian dynasty of the Sassanid. During the Parthian empire rule the economic prosperity was directly related to the upkeep of the irrigation systems and agricultural practices. Mesopotamia and the Persian lowlands of Khuzestan were the traditional centers of growing wheat, barley, and other cereals, while dates and other fruits were regularly produced and often exported. In the highlands of northeastern part of Mesopotamia and the Persian plateau, pastoralism and other forms of animal husbandry outweighed farming, although sowing various grains, most importantly wheat, as well as growing fruits, was also common. An earlier presence of rice in west Asia especially Mesopotamia might have also occurred through initial farming in eastern Persia and Transoxania. In the middle and south of Mesopotamia the Parthians looked well over the irrigation systems. In northeastern part of Mesopotamia and in Transoxiana the Kariz underground systems were used and maintained for the water supply of agriculture. The maintenance of all these systems was an important task of the Parthian Empire, often hinting on the strength or weakness of the government in certain periods of its history. It was also the case that in times of chaos and destabilization, that the maintenance of both the Kariz and the irrigation canals were neglected, causing further problems by weakening the agrarian, economy and causing further destabilization. Land tenure during the Parthian era did not differ much from the Babylonian or the Achaemenids eras. There were always two groups of people, either landlords or landless population, owners with large land holdings, usually members of the nobility and the court, controlled most of the productive land in the empire and, therefore families having such vast land areas would provide the basis of the later decentralized system under the Parthians. Another class of land-owning gentry, called the Azatan, also existed who were entitled to royal property in exchange for military service. The Azatan cavalry formed the hard core of the Parthian army and was mainly responsible for the Parthian success in external wars and in the quick initial expansion of the empire. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-04-24 (marisr)
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In: Manuels
In: Iran and the Caucasus: research papers from the Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies = Iran i kavkaz : trudy Kavkazskogo e͏̈tìsentra iranistiki, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 139-166
ISSN: 1573-384X
So far, more than forty Sasanian bas-reliefs have been discovered in numerous archaeological sites. Among them, eleven bas-reliefs in seven archaeological sites represent women on them. In this article, the eleven bas-reliefs and the women's images and their characteristics in different scenes have been analyzed and studied. It can be concluded that women on these bas-reliefs have been represented in the social-cultural fields, such as in the royal family or as goddesses, musicians, etc. Most of the female characters on the bas-reliefs belong to the upper classes of the Iranian society.
In: Documents et recherches sur l'économie des pays byzantins, islamiques et slaves et leurs relations commerciales au moyen-âge 6
This article uses various theories that exist about thought, especially the theories of James George Frazer in the Golden Branch as a turning point. In this way, it tries to give prominence to the certain aspects of the history of sassanid Persia, which after analyzing through these theories, they show the impact of primitive beliefs in Sassanid age. Creeds that affected in many aspects of their lives, but in this research we only show their role in the commands or decisions, victories, defeats and dreams of the Sassanids that substantially had influenced their domestic and foreign policies. ; Este artículo toma como punto de partida diferentes teorías sobre el pensamiento, en especial las que James George Frazer esbozó enLa Rama Dorada.Por esta vía, se buscadar protagonismo a ciertos aspectos de la historia de la Persia sasánida que, al ser analizados a través de estas teorías, muestran el impacto que tuvieron las creencias primitivas. Eran unos credos que influyeron en muchos aspectos de su vida, pero en este estudio solo mostramos su papel en las órdenes o decisiones, victorias, fracasos y sueños de los sasánidas que influyeron, de manera sustancial, en su política interior y exterior.
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The question of the number of troops that existed in the Sassanids' armies during the 6th and 7th century has received various answers. Answers that, paradoxically, have not taken into account the specific and multiple information that provide the sources of this period. From our side in this paper, we address this question taking into account all the sources, whether these are Byzantine, Oriental, Persian or Perso-Islamic, and we try to show that the careful study of the data and the critical comparison permits us to evaluate with extreme precision the military power of the Sassanian Persia and to establish a comparative basis to shed new light on the late conflicts between Sassanid Persia and the Justinian's or Heraclius' Byzantium as well as those with the Arab armies of early Islam. ; La cuestión del número de efectivos con que contaron los ejércitos sasánidas de los siglos VI y VII ha recibido diferentes respuestas. Respuestas que, paradójicamente, no han tenido en cuenta las precisas y múltiples informaciones que al respecto proporcionan las fuentes del periodo. Por nuestra parte y en este trabajo, abordamos dicha cuestión teniendo en cuenta la totalidad de las fuentes, ya sean estas bizantinas, orientales, persas o persoislámicas y tratamos de mostrar que el atento estudio de los datos y su confrontación crítica, permite evaluar con suma precisión el poderío militar de la Persia sasánida y establecer así una base comparativa que arroje nueva luz sobre los últimos conflictos de la Persia sasánida con el Bizancio Justinianeo y Heraclida y con los ejércitos árabes del primer Islam.
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In: Iranian studies, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 104-106
ISSN: 1475-4819
In: Проблемы истории, филологии, культуры / Journal of Historical, Philological and Cultural Studies. 2013. № 3. P. 64-79.
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