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This article suggests that human action in Machiavelli is both materialistic and temporalized. It further argues that Reinhart Koselleck's view of Machiavelli's understanding of time as historical circularity is misleading. The author is making the case that Machiavelli drew from Lucretian materialism to strip political concepts of content via an animal-materialist anthropology and ontology holding that man, as any animal, is material reality acting under an atomic arrangement wherein no time, whether linear or circular, can exist. The conclusion is that Koselleck's interpretation of the circularity of time in Machiavelli kept him from seeing his role as an antecedent of the conceptual and temporal revolution underlying theSattelzeit. ; Žmogiškasis veiksmas Machiavellio darbuose apibūdinamas kaip materialistinis ir temporalizuotas. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad Reinharto Kosellecko požiūris į Machiavellio laiko kaip istorinio cikliškumo supratimą yra klaidinantis. Autorius bando pagrįsti tai, kad Machiavellis rėmėsi Lukrecijaus materializmu siekdamas politinius konceptus atskirti nuo turinio. Tai darydamas jis pasitelkė gyvūnišką-materialistinę antropologiją ir ontologiją, teigiančią, kad žmogus, kaip bet kuris kitas gyvūnas, yra materiali realybė, veikianti pagal savo atominę sąrangą, kurioje negali egzistuoti joks laikas– nei linijinis, nei ciklinis. Išvadose teigiama, kad tai, kaip Koselleckas interpretavo laiko cikliškumą šio filosofo darbuose, neleido jam įžvelgti Machiavellio vaidmens konceptualinėje ir temporalinėje revoliucijoje, davusioje pagrindąSattelzeit.

The political discourse in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth changed deeply in the second half of the eighteenth century. New concepts, terms and notions were integrated into it, some of them drawn from the vocabularies of Western philosophers. The article tries to answer the question what these concepts or notions were, and how their adaptation informed the language itself and the descriptions of the political world and political-system projects formulated in it. Based on the analysis of theoretical treatises as well as writings produced as part of current political debate of the years 1764–92, the author seeks to demonstrate the ways in which the political disputants of King Stanislaus Augustus's time endeavoured to face the state's crisis through introducing new words and ideas, and in which the language was adapting to the challenges of the changing socio-political situation. She argues that the concepts which appeared in the last quarter of the century in the Polish political language were fundamental to the description and view of the world – to the extent that a breakthrough in Polish discussion on society and state is identifiable along these lines.

The political discourse in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth changed deeply in the second half of the eighteenth century. New concepts, terms and notions were integrated into it, some of them drawn from the vocabularies of Western philosophers. The article tries to answer the question what these concepts or notions were, and how their adaptation informed the language itself and the descriptions of the political world and political-system projects formulated in it. Based on the analysis of theoretical treatises as well as writings produced as part of current political debate of the years 1764–92, the author seeks to demonstrate the ways in which the political disputants of King Stanislaus Augustus's time endeavoured to face the state's crisis through introducing new words and ideas, and in which the language was adapting to the challenges of the changing socio-political situation. She argues that the concepts which appeared in the last quarter of the century in the Polish political language were fundamental to the description and view of the world – to the extent that a breakthrough in Polish discussion on society and state is identifiable along these lines.

p. 31-50 ; The political discourse in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth changed deeply in the second half of the eighteenth century. New concepts, terms and notions were integrated into it, some of them drawn from the vocabularies of Western philosophers. The article tries to answer the question what these concepts or notions were, and how their adaptation informed the language itself and the descriptions of the political world and political-system projects formulated in it. Based on the analysis of theoretical treatises as well as writings produced as part of current political debate of the years 1764–92, the author seeks to demonstrate the ways in which the political disputants of King Stanislaus Augustus's time endeavoured to face the state's crisis through introducing new words and ideas, and in which the language was adapting to the challenges of the changing socio-political situation. She argues that the concepts which appeared in the last quarter of the century in the Polish political language were fundamental to the description and view of the world – to the extent that a breakthrough in Polish discussion on society and state is identifiable along these lines. ; s. 31-50 ; The political discourse in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth changed deeply in the second half of the eighteenth century. New concepts, terms and notions were integrated into it, some of them drawn from the vocabularies of Western philosophers. The article tries to answer the question what these concepts or notions were, and how their adaptation informed the language itself and the descriptions of the political world and political-system projects formulated in it. Based on the analysis of theoretical treatises as well as writings produced as part of current political debate of the years 1764–92, the author seeks to demonstrate the ways in which the political disputants of King Stanislaus Augustus's time endeavoured to face the state's crisis through introducing new words and ideas, and in which the language was adapting to the challenges of the changing socio-political situation. She argues that the concepts which appeared in the last quarter of the century in the Polish political language were fundamental to the description and view of the world – to the extent that a breakthrough in Polish discussion on society and state is identifiable along these lines.

1. Hans Blumenberg : an introduction -- 2. Myth and the human sciences during the Sattelzeit -- 3. German philosophy and the 'will to science' -- 4. Davos and after, or the function of anthropology -- 5. Promethean anthropologies -- 6. Goethe's 'Prometheus,' or on cultural selection -- 7. 'After the work on myth' : the political reception of Work on myth -- 8. Conclusion : political myth in the Blumenberg Nachlass.

p. 143-186 ; The article presents the emergence and rooting of the concept of 'fascism' in Polish right-wing discourses, especially in the widely understood local nationalist movement of the 20th century (National Democracy, Endecja). According to the author, the early 1920s, and above all the period of Mussolini's gaining power in Italy, was a decisive time (Sattelzeit by R. Koselleck) for the reception and transfer of both fascist concepts and ideas as a transnational phenomenon. Still, it also significantly influenced the radicalisation of the native right-wing identity in interwar Poland. However, the author proves how vital the role of radical anti-Semitism was in forming indigenous right-wing discourses and their subsequent political practices. ; s. 143-186 ; The article presents the emergence and rooting of the concept of 'fascism' in Polish right-wing discourses, especially in the widely understood local nationalist movement of the 20th century (National Democracy, Endecja). According to the author, the early 1920s, and above all the period of Mussolini's gaining power in Italy, was a decisive time (Sattelzeit by R. Koselleck) for the reception and transfer of both fascist concepts and ideas as a transnational phenomenon. Still, it also significantly influenced the radicalisation of the native right-wing identity in interwar Poland. However, the author proves how vital the role of radical anti-Semitism was in forming indigenous right-wing discourses and their subsequent political practices.

Abstract

German-Language Jurisprudence since 1800 and Legal Pluralism. This paper examines the history of legal pluralism in German-speaking jurisprudence since 1800 using the topoi of law without the state, alternative law, interlegality and nomos. It shows the continuous presence of these topics in the classical debates of German jurisprudence until the concept of legal pluralism was invented in the second half of the 20th century. The end of the Old Reich in 1806, the foundation of the German Reich in 1871 and the BGB from 1900 are important caesuras in this story. They indicate the assumption of a "delayed sattelzeit" in German legal theory during this period.

The article presents the emergence and rooting of the concept of 'fascism' in Polish right-wing discourses, especially in the widely understood local nationalist movement of the 20th century (National Democracy, Endecja). According to the author, the early 1920s, and above all the period of Mussolini's gaining power in Italy, was a decisive time (Sattelzeit by R. Koselleck) for the reception and transfer of both fascist concepts and ideas as a transnational phenomenon. Still, it also significantly influenced the radicalisation of the native right-wing identity in interwar Poland. However, the author proves how vital the role of radical anti-Semitism was in forming indigenous right-wing discourses and their subsequent political practices.

The article presents the emergence and rooting of the concept of 'fascism' in Polish right-wing discourses, especially in the widely understood local nationalist movement of the 20th century (National Democracy, Endecja). According to the author, the early 1920s, and above all the period of Mussolini's gaining power in Italy, was a decisive time (Sattelzeit by R. Koselleck) for the reception and transfer of both fascist concepts and ideas as a transnational phenomenon. Still, it also significantly influenced the radicalisation of the native right-wing identity in interwar Poland. However, the author proves how vital the role of radical anti-Semitism was in forming indigenous right-wing discourses and their subsequent political practices.

Building on the new critical historiography about the evolution of the European state, the book analyses how administrators, scientists, popular publicists and other actors tried to redefine the realms of state action in the "Sattelzeit" (Koselleck). By focussing on the specific strategies of these actors and on the transnational circulation and dissemination of state related knowledge itself, the contributors of the book highlight the fluidity and the interconnections of the European debate in the crucial period of the development of the modern nation-state and its administration. They study the common European features of the evolution of a new type of statehood built upon multiple circulations and transfers that forged administrative practices in the different fields of state action. Analysing important fields of expertise ranging from agricultural knowledge, mining sciences to anthropological knowledge, which laid the basis for the new "scientific" foundations of administration, the book underlines the necessity of a re-evaluation of the classical approaches to the history of state in the 18th and 19th centuries

Modern models of economic growth and capitalist modernity rest on capital accumulation, inclusive institutions, and various often unquantifiable aspects of "culture" (to which institutions belong). Scholars have also pinpointed the ability, or rather illusion, of human individuals to plan and predict their economic and social future(s). This transition to future thinking opened European's spaces of possibility during what Reinhart Koselleck famously labelled Europe's Sattelzeit, c.1750–1850. Some have emphasized a European culture of dealing with contingency, which may have marked out a specific "Western" path toward modernity.Without making a claim to global history, and focusing on the German speaking lands, I propose that the discovery of the open economic future was a much earlier project. Modern capitalism had roots in continental economic visions as early as the 1500s. We know them under common labels such as "Cameralism" and "mercantilism." They were also apparent in Anglo-Saxon and Swedish economic reasoning since the mid-seventeenth century, suggesting that we may speak of a broader European tradition. The present article thus wishes to add to the debate, showing possibilities of an alternative—or a wider, more inclusive—genealogy of the modern economic mind, pointing out fresh ways of bringing together culture and economic development.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- 1 Transition and Its Phases: Thoughts on Some Issues Raised -- Part 1 Cultural Approaches to the Transition Issue -- 2 From Orality to Print: Revolution or Transition? Street Singers in the Renaissance Multi-Media System -- 3 Popular Justice and Legal Transition: Getting the Law Across to the People in the Sattelzeit -- 4 "Collaborators" and Clemency Measures in Italy after World War II -- Part 2 Transition in the Religious Sphere -- 5 Historiographical Transition from Renaissance to Counter-Reformation: The Case of Onofrio Panvinio (1530-1568) -- 6 Perception of Religious Change: The First Jesuits in Austria (Sixteenth Century) -- 7 "Unearthing Chaos and Giving Shape to It": The Society of Jesus after Suppression: Hiatus and Continuity -- Part 3 Transition in the Economic Sphere -- 8 Financial Transitions: A Hypothesis on the Origins of John Law's Project (1720) -- 9 On the Frontier of the Empire: Manufacturing and Trade Networks between Continuity and Change (Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries) -- Part 4 Transition in the Political Sphere -- 10 Transitions from War to Peace: Demobilization and Homecomings in Twentieth-Century Europe -- 11 Constitutional Lore in Transition: Italy and Germany Post-1945 -- 12 Democracy in Transition: The Development of a Science of Politics in Western Europe after 1945 -- 13 Ideology and Transition: European Social-Democracy Copes with the "Consolidation/Dissolution" of the Postwar Years -- Contributors -- Name Index.