Suchergebnisse

1. The Role of Scandal in American Politics -- 2. Presidential Power, Scandal, and Misdirection -- 3. Nixon and Watergate -- 4. The Reagan Administration and Iran-Contra -- 5.Clinton and the Lewinsky Affair -- 6. President Trump: The Conquest of Backfire Scandal Management. .

AbstractWhile New Zealand enjoys a widely held view that it symbolises the qualities of a corruption‐free democracy, over the past several years corruption scandals have increased markedly in number and intensity. It appears that corruption is becoming a part of the language of politics in New Zealand in a new way. This article explores this proposition with a particular focus on the incidence and character of corruption scandals during politically significant periods. It is an exploratory and admittedly impressionistic analysis that surveys the incidence of corruption scandals between 2000 and 2016. The article examines media reports of corruption scandals and the apparent and periodic appearance of the accumulation of corruption scandals, or scandal clusters. The primary goal is to explore whether such clusters are evident in media reports, whether these appear to be qualitatively different in concentration and intensity, and if so, to ask what new questions this raises for further research.

My argument revolves around two distinct but entangled lines of inquiry. The first considers the spectacle of Muslim female injury/vulnerability in relation to projects of global solidarity and sisterhood. In light of the entrenched, recursive nature of prevailing associations between Islam and spectacularized cultural violence, I ask what counts as a feminist injury and for whom. Under what conditions is the normative feminist gaze scandalized, and what does this imply for the politics of seeing and not seeing? I argue that in addition to the long-sedimented orientalist trope of Muslim women's bodies under threat, secular liberal sensibilities toward pain—visible, bodily, and attributable to religious backwardness—render certain kinds of injury always already scandalous. In contrast, less spectacular structural violence does not offend liberal sensibilities in quite the same manner. In the second part of the essay, I turn to the effects of maintaining a distinction between religiously inflicted illiberal pain and less visible secular forms of suffering. Moral outrage at scandalous forms of punishment precludes attending to systemic forms of subjugation that reside in the political rather than the cultural. I show how the resulting analytical blind spots allow questions of female desire and sexual agency to be perpetually elided. I draw on examples of fatwas in shalish (informal community hearings) and legal judgments on rape in Bangladesh to make my argument.

Political science research is conflicted about the impact of political scandals on survival in office. Scholars have found strong negative impacts to some scandals but others have found minimal or no effects. The literature has explored several consequences but no one work examines them collectively. This article examines presidential, gubernatorial, and Congressional scandals from 1972 to 2021 to assess the impact of scandal in a polarizing America. We find the negative consequences from scandals vary across time and institutions. Scandals in the Watergate era led to more resignations in Congress but fewer resignations of White House officials in the 1990s. During the Trump administration, White House officials did not survive in office at rates greater than past eras, demonstrating little support for the "Trump Effect." However, politicians generally survived scandal more in the polarized era, hinting at the changing role of political scandals.

The December arrests of several officials close to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on corruption charges have rocked Turkish politics. Once viewed as a model for democracy in the region, many are now questioning the viability of Turkish democracy under the now scandal-plagued Erdogan. To discuss the ongoing corruption scandal and its ramifications for the country, two think tanks held events in Washington, DC in January. At a January 10 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars event titled 'Of Plots and Corruption Scandals: The Crisis of Turkish Politics', speakers agreed that the current scandal is part of a wider political battle taking place in Turkey. By firing public prosecutors and police officers investigating the corruption scandal, Erdogan revealed his true authoritarian colors. An open, transparent government, he reasoned, would take accusations of corruption seriously and vow a full investigation. Adapted from the source document.

What constituted a secret or a scandal in times gone by? This entertaining book gives an overview of the times and attitudes to 'secrets', and what was meant by a 'scandal'. Uncovering revelations of spies and plots, financial scandals, secrets of the royal bedchambers, dynastic tangles, and the exploits of both villains and so-called saints.

Presents detailed, definitive descriptions of famous sports crises, allowing readers to recognize the inaccuracies in the rumors surrounding these events in order to fully understand what happened Covers scandals and controversial situations that arose in professional and collegiate athletics Highlights how some of the smartest administrators in the public sphere have responded to an unexpected crisis Presents information of interest not only to sports fans and sports administrators but also to organizational communications professionals, crisis management professionals, public relati

What constituted a secret or a scandal in times gone by? This entertaining book gives an overview of the times and attitudes to 'secrets', and what was meant by a 'scandal'. Uncovering revelations of spies and plots, financial scandals, secrets of the royal bedchambers, dynastic tangles, and the exploits of both villains and so-called saints.

Der Autor untersucht am Beispiel von Franz-Josef Strauß, Uwe Barschel und Heiner Geißler drei Arten von Skandalpolitikern. Er erläutert anfangs, dass der Skandal Ergebnis einer Entzauberung sei, dass das Publikum nicht glauben mag, dass Politiker nur für sich und nicht für ihre Wähler handeln. Am Beispiel Franz-Josef Strauß wird der Typ des Skandalpolitikers geschildert, dem die Skandale nichts anhaben können, und der in gewisser Weise in den Augen des Publikums mit seinen Affären sogar wächst. Als ideologisch zentrierter Politiker werden Skandale als notwendige Begleiterscheinung in Kauf genommen. Ganz anders der zweite Typ, beschrieben am Beispiel Uwe Barschel. Er fällt als Folge eines Skandals, wird vom Publikum degradiert und aus dem Kreis der angesehenen Politiker ausgeschlossen. Barschel sollte wegen seiner Normalität, wegen der Stetigkeit seines Aufstieges bewundert werden. Der Skandal zerstörte dieses Bild. Der dritte Typ ist der taktisch versierte Skandalpolitiker, der am Beispiel Heiner Geissler dargestellt wird. Bei ihm werden Skandale ganz bewusst inszeniert, um einen rhetorischen Gewinn zu erzielen. Der Autor erläutert anschließend am Beispiel eines skandalunfähigen Politikers - Hans-Jochen Vogel -, dass die verschiedenen Typen von Skandalpolitikern eigentlich Typen von Politikern sind. Bei Vogel handelt sich um einen Typ von Politiker, bei dem in der Regel Intelligenz und Arbeitsintensität gerühmt werden, selten Leidenschaft und Kampfeswille. Der Beitrag kommt zu dem Schluss, dass das Publikum sich nicht gerne mit Figuren ohne Fehl und Tadel identifizieren mag. Dem skandalunfähigen Politiker fehle der Ausdruck von Leidenschaft. Die verschiedenen Typen von Skandalpolitikern zeigen, dass Politik nicht nur etwas mit der Vertretung von Interessen, sondern auch mit der Verkörperung von Leidenschaft zu tun hat. Der Beitrag endet mit der Erkenntnis, dass das Publikum im Skandalpolitiker den charismatischen Führer suche. (ICD2)