Suchergebnisse

This study aims to examine administrative efforts as Premium Remidium in the settlement of State Administrative disputes (TUN) in Indonesia. In particular, the discussion in this study regarding administrative efforts as a premium remidium in state administration disputes in Indonesia, the legal consequences of not carrying out administrative efforts by the plaintiffs, and discussing the advantages and disadvantages of implementing administrative efforts in the settlement of state administration dispute. The research method used in this research was normative juridical and used secondary data consisting of laws related to government administration as the primary material and secondary legal materials, namely literature related to research problems. Based on the results of the study, it is known that administrative efforts are the premium remedy (main drug) in the settlement of state administration disputes in Indonesia. The legal consequences that arise when the settlement of the state administration dispute is not preceded by administrative efforts but directly submits a lawsuit to the Administrative Court, namely the lawsuit can be declared not accepted by the judges. Administrative efforts have advantages and disadvantages related to the state administrative dispute resolution mechanism in Indonesia.

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.

The purpose of the publication is to clarify the relationship between the Ukrainian state center and the city authorities of Gomel in the context of the accession of the Gomel region to the Ukrainian state. This issue is also important for studying the general experience of the city administration, as well as for the reconstruction of regional history, as Gomel demonstrated the case of the longest retention of elected city government in Belarus after October. According to the agreement of January 27 (February 9) 1918 between the UPR on the one hand and Germany, Turkey, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria – on the other the southern districts of Grodno, Minsk and Mogilev provinces of the former North-Western region with ethnic Belarusian population were annexed. Ukraine and included in the process of Ukrainian state building. Gomel, the largest industrial and transport center on the Belarusian-Ukrainian-Russian border, also became part of Ukraine. In the conditions of establishment of structures of the Ukrainian state management and administration in Gomel district the activity of zemstvo-city self-government which party structure and state-political orientations were formed after February, 1917 and remained during short (from December, 1917 to the end of February, 1918) domination in the city of the Bolsheviks. The problem of the relationship between the hetman's government and local authorities in the annexed territories has not yet found its special study. The author of this text had to consider some institutional and personal aspects of the functioning of the Ukrainian authorities in the annexed Belarusian counties, as well as the issue of state identification of the Gomel Directory. The factual and institutional aspect of the topic was reflected in a thorough reference book on various government agencies in Belarus during the military-revolutionary period of 1917–1920. New sources of information for the topic were created by the publication of reports of the highest representatives of the Hetman's power on the ...

This essay presents a case study (the 2020 Presidential Election in the United States) in order to analyzing ongoing changes at domestic politics and foreign relations of a world superpower. It portrays a qualitative analysis informed by a bibliographic revision of the aforementioned topics. 2020 began with President Donald Trump dully avoiding an impeachment trial and trumpeting his divisive economic achievements (at the expenses of World Trade Organization and US partners). His mastery of a self-professed "art of the deal" at least seemed plausible as a set of political stunts. On the other hand, the Democratic Party remained splintered. The impeachment attempt put the party on the back foot, propelling POTUS' premature campaigning. With populism on the rise on the world stage, for a while – it seemed – Trump could stand a chance at reelection. At the shadow of a global epidemic, Trump's walls and fiery unilateralism fell down pretty quickly.

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

The activeness of any nation citizenry determines how effective and the types of government such a nation will have. In the case of Nigeria, Nigerian citizens have been engulfed by stark illiteracy and chronic ignorance. Citizens have failed in their responsibility of participating actively in the polity of their nation. Citizens have been blindfolded that they cannot even differentiate between good governance and bad governance, as they still blindly pledge their support to bad leadership and to the decayed political parties of Nigeria, e.g. APC and PDP. Citizens found mostly in this blindness are the South western citizens despite their level of education. This paper examined the inability of Nigerian citizens to read within the lines and understand the dangers inherent in the politics of these two political parties of APC and PDP, and the fact that both parties have no better ideology and plans to better the lives of Nigerians. The paper examines the difference between People's Democratic Party (PDP) and All progressive Congress (APC) ideology in terms of corruption in Nigeria. The paper finally examines the effect of non-democratic citizenry in Nigeria. This paper adopts the hybrids method, as interview methods of data collection are adopted while other data are gotten from the readymade works of scholars and from the common sense views of the writer. This paper finally proffers workable recommendations to the problems of bad leadership in Nigeria.

Saprahan is an eating tradition that developed in the Malaysia community in the Sambas area. The implementation practice is full of positive values and meanings in describing the identity of the Sambas Malaysia community, which has potential in Indonesian gastro diplomacy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze the state's role in gastro diplomacy through Saprahan at the Temajuk Sambas border. This research is a literature study that focuses on the Saprahan tradition in the Indonesia-Malaysia border area in Temajuk Village, West Kalimantan. The data is obtained through books, journals, and online sources by entering keywords; gastro diplomacy, Saprahan, and Temajuk. The results obtained from the study can be described that specifically, the state's role in implementing gastro diplomacy through saprahan at the Temajuk Sambas border has not functioned as gastro diplomacy. However, from a historical point of view, its value and meaning, the saprahan tradition has excellent potential in Indonesian gastro diplomacy efforts in the border area between Indonesia and Malaysia. This is supported by the development of tourism in Temajuk, attracting local tourists to foreign tourists to promote culinarily and eating traditions where the intimate communication space that can be created through the tradition of eating saprahan makes it easier to negotiate and make decisions.

Political propaganda is one of the most significant tools in psychological warfare since it influences and manages public opinion. Political propaganda of all kinds and its shady forms manifested itself in the speeches of American administrations and electoral campaigns following the events of September 11, 2001, particularly in the speeches of President George W. Bush, the son thirsty for war, and the speeches of others who followed him, through which Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran were targeted with false information. By the American institutions and government agencies themselves, the main goal of all of this is to maintain geostrategic control over the oil of Iran and other oil countries, and the ability to control global oil prices and available quantities and to ensure that oil reaches the allies of the United States of America, and to prevent it from competitors with the aim of weakening their geostrategic influence.

Dear colleagues, Welcome to the "Journal of Policy & Governance"! In my opinion, an editorial may reflect the general direction of the journal, values, strategy, priorities, goals and objectives, and so on. This is the first edition of the Journal of Policy & Governance where I act as the Editor-in-Chief. The title of the journal includes two key concepts, the "Policy" and the "Governance", and they are crucial for the target audience of the journal. That is, the field of "Policy Science": policy cycle, problem identification for analysis, policy environment, resources, stakeholders' analysis, communications (strategic, multilevel, etc.), policy tools and evaluation, etc. Also, these are values, objectives and methodology of the research and policy analysis, policy as the process and reasons for state intervention, evidence-based policy, quantitative and qualitative methods of data processing and the formation of evidence in the policy process and so on. The field of governance is also valuable for research: democratic, good, sensitive, multilevel, digital, and so on: Service State, public consultation, and interaction between government, business and civil society in the policy-making process. Common decisions, power and out of power policy makers, leadership, analysts and policy actors also require semantic and empirical content in the articles of the journal.

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.