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"The United Kingdom's LGBT Movement and Interest Groups" published on by Oxford University Press.

Scottish devolution stands as an example for change within the UK constitution & its politics. As a model of democracy, the Scottish Parliament has committed itself to exploring new methods of consultation, participation, & consensus building; the idea of plural & multilayered democracy in Europe; & developing a stronger relationship between citizens & government. It is working to achieve gender balance in the Parliament, allowing petitions by individual citizens, & increasing communication & education through technology. Still, it is subject to the negative feelings left over from 20th-century prejudice against politicians & their activities & the influence of the media in the hands of owners & editors committed to neoliberal & economistic views. Scottish voters also express some disillusionment & disappointment, not as a lack of support for its existence, but in the desire for greater change. The devolution process must boldly reach its goals or face the discredit that most other elected governments in this post-political age have experienced. L. A. Hoffman

A case study of the UK notes that devolved parliamentary institutions were not introduced until 1999 & territorial cleavages have traditionally been managed through territorial secretaries of state, Members of Parliament, & interest groups. Accommodation mechanisms & the degree of deviation from the center in England have differed in each minority nation. The failure of accommodation mechanisms in Ireland is examined alongside the integrative role played by the welfare state & the trade unionist movement in Wales & Scotland. Problems occurred when a minority nation failed to support the same political majority as the UK, as was the case in Scotland in 1922 & again in 1979-1997. Although it is too early to assess the impact of the 1999 constitutional changes, they represent continuity by presenting an ad hoc & differentiated response to specific problems of minority nations. Other issues discussed include renewal of the Gladstonian home rule concept & the Westminster government's recognition that there are no serious barriers to secession if desired by a minority nation. 2 Tables, 41 References. J. Lindroth

Reflects on experiences of diaspora in the UK that are either based on personal experience or gathered during the course of empirical research into the immigration experiences of Chinese & Filipina women who have settled in Scotland. It is suggested that simple definitions of identity, eg, black or women of color, do not capture the range of experiences & realities of diasporic women. Not only do Chinese & Filipina women generally refuse to identify themselves as black, but many Chinese women also refuse to identify themselves as Chinese, preferring to identify as a member of one ethnic community within Asia. The failure to recognize this diversity not only homogenizes cultures that are, in fact, quite distinctive, but also hides the reality that many lighter-skinned women of color pass as white & assimilate into the white community. Thus, it is suggested that the notion of black identity, which was originally developed to secure solidarity among people of color, must be jettisoned in favor of recognizing the true diversity of women of color in the UK. 53 References. D. Ryfe

For the first three decades after WWII, the UK was distinguished as having one of the most party-oriented political systems in the Western world. Starting in the mid-1970s, however, the old stability gave way to uncertainty & change in party politics: partisan & class de-alignment; nationalist cleavages in Scotland & Wales, the erosion of two-party electoral domination, & criticism of the electoral system. Survey data over time revealed a growing distrust of parties & party politicians. Citizens no longer felt that their elected officials represented their respective needs, & party membership declined. This & regulation of party funding led to a decline of party organization &, subsequently, the emergence of various challenges to party functionality. However, the major parties responded by enacting procedural reforms that allowed them to extend the participatory rights of members. They have achieved survival through resilience & must continue to do so to maintain their viability in the British political system. Tables, References. J. Stanton

An introductory chapter indicates that certain types of homogeneous nation-states are outmoded while others deserve to be kept going. Different ways of conceptualizing both the nation-state & the multinational state are pointed out, along with problems created by redefinitions of the nation-state. Some believe people of a multinational state must share a common culture while others emphasize adoption of a politics of recognition as a substitute for a common cultural affiliation or take a pragmatic & pluralist position. It is noted that the book is divided into two parts that deal respectively with theoretical foundations & case studies. The theoretical essays focus on nations/nationalism, alternatives to the traditional nation-state; & the viability of multinational states or supranational organizations. The case studies look at the fate of nation-states & the internal self-determination of peoples in such places as Russia, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Catalonia, Sweden, India, the US, Indonesia, Eastern Europe, & Canada. A synopsis of each chapter is included. J. Lindroth

Uses elite-mass diffusion models to examine conceptions of European integration among ordinary citizens, local elites, & public intellectuals in Germany, Great Britain, & Spain. Information was obtained from interviews conducted with 160 individuals divided equally among ordinary citizens & local elites in Weststadt & Oststadt Germany; Quijoton & Catadell Spain; Engleton England; & Scotsburg Scotland. In spite of considerable overlapping, cognitive frames related to European integration were found to contain distinct elements in each of the three countries. An analysis of the interviews showed that visions of integration are significantly affected by national self-perceptions & historical memory. Dominant themes in each country are described. A content analysis of 680 articles published in the quality press of the three countries between 1946 & 1997 indicated that intellectuals have successfully conveyed their views about European integration to the public. Although the findings suggest international differences simply echo differences in the attitudes of elites in each country, consideration must be given to the role of broader cultural preoccupations in shaping attitudes toward integration. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Uses elite-mass diffusion models to examine conceptions of European integration among ordinary citizens, local elites, & public intellectuals in Germany, Great Britain, & Spain. Information was obtained from interviews conducted with 160 individuals divided equally among ordinary citizens & local elites in Weststadt & Oststadt Germany; Quijoton & Catadell Spain; Engleton England; & Scotsburg Scotland. In spite of considerable overlapping, cognitive frames related to European integration were found to contain distinct elements in each of the three countries. An analysis of the interviews showed that visions of integration are significantly affected by national self-perceptions & historical memory. Dominant themes in each country are described. A content analysis of 680 articles published in the quality press of the three countries between 1946 & 1997 indicated that intellectuals have successfully conveyed their views about European integration to the public. Although the findings suggest international differences simply echo differences in the attitudes of elites in each country, consideration must be given to the role of broader cultural preoccupations in shaping attitudes toward integration. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

"During their lifetime, political parties face a range of strategic dilemmas. Some involve the dilemma between vote, office and policy success (Strom 1990; De Winter 1998: 238-40). Some revolve around the exact nature of party goals, policies or coalition strategies. However, in some cases, parties also face some fundamental strategic and organisational choices about whether to become parties at all in terms of standing candidates at elections, establishing distinct party platforms and operating exclusive membership through an organisation that is independent of other political parties. As will be discussed below in the case of the Scottish National Party (SNP), such strategic and organisational choices are by no means straightforward but can involve vigorous internal debate, divisions and splits. Such choices might also not be one-off events, but rather recurrent due to fluctuating levels of electoral success and occasions when alternative strategies appear attractive. Both endogenous and exogenous factors are responsible for such developments in the life of a party, as they face strategic choices and organisational challenges (McAllister 1981: 238). To make sense of such strategic and organisational choices and their effect on party development, this chapter applies Pedersen's model of party lifespans to the SNP. It will examine the Impact of passing through Pedersen's different lifespan thresholds on SNP organisation (the party on the ground, party in central office and party in public office) and party goals. It will also focus on key events in relation to the SNP's success in passing the thresholds of representation and relevance/ governance, which came in 1999 in the shape of electoral reform and the establishment of the regional level of government in Scotland. In doing so, it recognises that Pedersen's model was a heuristic device (Pedersen 1982: 3), so that there will be no exact conceptual or chronological fit between the model and the SNP's political development. Indeed, the manner in which the SNP passes through the various thresholds is definitely not chronological or sequential, though it does occur at the national level of elections (1934-97) and only latterly at the regional level (1999-2007). In addition, the party's success in surpassing the various thresholds is accompanied by organisational growth and a level of institutionalisation, and without electoral alliances with other political parties, even when it formed the government in Scotland in 2007. Furthermore, in Pedersen's human terms, the party's birth and infancy lasted a relatively Jong time and it faced possible death in the 1950s and from 1979-84, only to experience a dramatic resurgence in the 1990s that led the party into minority government in the Scottish Executive in 2007. These latter facts illustrate its existence as a mature, electorally successful party within the autonomist party family." (author's abstract)

Collective action against neoliberalism, & promoting a different model of globalization, has grown considerably in both the southern & northern hemispheres. This chapter considers how global issues affect civic & political life at the local level, looking at citizens' organizations in the British cities of Glasgow, Scotland, & Bristol, England, which differ considerably in their social & political histories & present states. The aim is to assess the extent to which globalization issues represent a distinctive set of policy interests for the organizations; translate into a distinctive set of collective actions; attract organizations with a distinctive profile; & may be associated with specific social movement dynamics. The study is based on interviews with 124 organizational representatives in Glasgow & 134 in Bristol. The findings indicate that mobilizations on global issues constitute the focal point of specific alliances, based on specific identity bonds in British civil society. While global issues are pervasive & distinctive, they are not equally appealing to the whole spectrum of civic organizations. Looking at how interest leads to action on specific events, participation in "global inequality" actions is positively correlated to interest in global issues & participation in local events on issues such as ethnicity. Differences between the two cities suggest that the embeddedness of actions on global issues is strongly mediated by the features of local civil societies & political systems. Tables. J. Stanton