Suchergebnisse

In this paper, we will develop the Ailton Krenak's criticism to Western modernity-modernization as a monoculture of ideas that constitutes itself as a self-referential, self-subsistent, endogenous, autonomous and self-sufficient structure which does not need the help and the critic by the other of modernity. Using the notion of colonialism as theory of modernity, we will identify five fundamental problems that permeates the construction of Jürgen Habermas' theory of Western modernity-modernization, problems that justify this Ailton Krenak's criticism, namely: (a) the modernity as a society-culture marked by an absolute singularity as post-metaphysical universalism-globalism from cultural-communicative rationality, entirely different of the rest of societies-cultures as traditionalism in general based on essentialist and naturalized foundations; (c) the comprehension of the constitution and development of European modernity as an endogenous, autonomous, self-sufficient and closed movement-principle relatively to the other of modernity, totally capable of self-comprehension, self-reflexivity and self-correction from inside, by its own means, with no necessity of external help; (c) the reduction of the constitutive and distinctive dynamics of Western modernization to the notion of correlation, separation and tension-contradiction between cultural modernity and social-economic modernization, with the silencing about and the erasing of the colonialism as movement, principle and consequence of the process of Western modernization; (d) the restrictive comprehension of the constitutive and evolutionary way of Western modernization as a straight, direct and linear process which goes from modern Europe towards the First and Second Worlds, again silencing about and erasing the Third World as a constitutive part and consequence of the Western modernity-modernization as a whole; and, finally, (e) the correlation of cultural-modernity (as post-metaphysical universalism-globalism from cultural-communicative rationality) with/as humankind, the humankind as a big process of modernization, and each society-culture as a proto-modernity, which sustains and supports exactly the idea of Western modernization as the apogee of human evolution and, therefore, its universalist-globalist sense and vocation, a characteristic that is denied to the other of modernity.

In this paper, we defend that euronorcentric theories of modernity which pursuit the philosophical-sociological reconstruction of the process of the Western modernization (or European, or the evolutionary-constitutive pattern of development of the contemporary industrialized societies) are characterized for a historical-sociological blindness which is marked by three basic points: (a) the understanding of the Western modernization as a self-referential, self-subsistent, self-sufficient, endogenous and autonomous process of development, so that there would be modernity as rationalization and all the rest as traditionalism, position that, on the other hand, does not prevent the theories of modernity of correlating modernity-modernization, rationalization, universalism and human evolution; (b) the separation between cultural modernity and social-economic modernization, the first as a sphere purely normative, and the second as a sphere basically instrumental, logical-technical, with the purpose of saving a normative concept of epistemological-moral universalism which is the cultural modernity itself; and (c), as condition of that philosophical-sociological reconstruction, the erasing, the deletion and the silencing about the colonialism as a consequence of the development of the Western modernization as a whole. We argue that a Latin-American decolonial praxis has in the denounce, unveiling and deconstruction of this historical-sociological blindness assumed by euronorcentric theories of modernity in their reconstruction of the process of the Western modernization its fundamental epistemological-political starting point to become itself an alternative to the modernity's normative paradigm, to ground its (Latin-American) philosophical-sociological discourse about Western modernization and its correlation with colonialism.

The text presents and discusses the theme of interdisciplinarity with special focus on the human sciences from two articulated movements. (A) In the first part we are dedicated to the elaboration of the problem of cultural fragmentation (which brings us to the interdisciplinary challenge) by allusion to the "modern ambience" as a historically determined way of relating to culture and knowledge, for what Thomas Kuhn calls "normal science." (B) In the second part, and starting of such historical and epistemological considerations of modern subjectivation, it is important to point out the challenges involved in the design of an interdisciplinary formation and at the same time signaling to some strategy of facing the problem of "cultural fragmentation" - regarded as a deeply anchored historical phenomenon. The broad "cultural fragmentation" that multiple interdisciplinary strategies aim to combat in the school setting is especially experienced as a disciplinary compartmentalization of the curriculum in general and of the human sciences we are looking at here. In this context, we maintain that the curricular component of philosophy, but also the philosophical spirit pedagogically dilated, respectively, constitute a promising epistemological formation and strategy for confronting cultural fragmentation in the interdisciplinarity register.

This text addresses the problems of tragedy, invention and the colonized body in the writings of the martinican thinkers Aimé Césaire and Frantz Fanon. To do this, at first we stop at the link that exists between the tragedy of the experiences of the black bodies alluded to in the writings of the aforementioned authors with the controls and reifications of colonial modernity. In a second moment, we discuss the invention of poetic image in Césaire's Notebook of a Return to Native Land and how the agency of a body of its own excels out from it through a critical rewriting of the Atlantic Triangle. Next, in a third section, we reflect on Fanon's lived experience in his work Black skin, white masks in order to trace his tragic, self-destructive nature, and his inventive power. Finally, it is concluded that Césaire and Fanon make the invention a possibility of constructing another historical imagination of the body outside of the racial orders of colonial modernity.

This article emphasizes the discussion around the representations and effective uses of the House
of Detention in Recife in the context of the empire's prison reform. Symbol of civility and penal
modernity, but also of control and public security, the House of Detention in Recife was perceived
by city managers as an instrument whose purpose was to settle and remedy the criminal
practices of a portion of the population considered to be unruly and prone to crime. On the other
hand, a group of popular segments, far from endorsing this representation of the prison
institution, appropriated the prison as a commercial zone. Between the "reassuring institution"
and the "house of commerce", between the representations of the elite and the effective uses of
the institution, we will reconstruct aspects of the history of prison reform as experienced in Recife
in the second half of the 19th century.

This paper examines how the question of the Tragic is defined according to Hölderlin, an important German poet from the XVIII century. In 1804, Hölderlin translates and comments the plays Oedipus the Kingand Antigone, by Sophocles. This paper focuses on the investigation about the Tragic undertaken by Hölderlin in the third part of his Remarks on Oedipus; in this part, some elements which are singular to his thought come up, such as the Caesura, the Mutual Unfaithfulness and the Categorical Reversal. These elements allowed Hölderlin to address the question of the Tragic from an entirely new perspective for his time and provided the emergence of important further debates both in Literature and Philosophy. There are two main questions which guide the argumentation of this paper: the first one refers to Hölderlin's singular conception of the paradoxes that commonly constitute the Tragic, such as the one between the human and the divine; and the second one, the analysis of the poetic task of Modernity as a possible task to every single poem.

Neste artigo, buscaremos explicitar algumas das relações entre luz e biopolítica na cidade moderna e na contemporânea. Consideramos a luz como uma estimulação externa capaz não apenas de atingir e sensibilizar os corpos como também de agir, de diversas formas e em diferentes graus, sobre eles. A partir dessa premissa, nos perguntaremos de que maneira, na modernidade e na contemporaneidade, as materialidades e práticas luminosas do espaço urbano teriam a capacidade de influenciar, determinar, capturar, vigiar, disciplinar e controlar as opiniões, discursos e práticas dos indivíduos. Com o intuito de esboçar alguns elementos parciais de resposta a essa abrangente problemática, buscaremos demonstrar, em um primeiro momento, de que maneira a iluminação pública da Paris moderna poderia ser encarada como uma tecnologia disciplinar. Em seguida, nos perguntaremos de que modo a luz poderia, ainda na contemporaneidade, participar de diversas estratégias de poder. A partir de Paul Virilio (2002), argumentaremos que houve um deslocamento nas estratégias de controle por meio da luz em relação a épocas anteriores. Retomando uma distinção proposta pelo autor, queremos delinear dois regimes: o primeiro, oriundo da modernidade, que se caracterizaria pelo emprego de "luz direta"; ao qual se acrescentaria hoje um segundo regime de "luz indireta", próprio às sociedades de controle. Desse modo, procuraremos desnaturalizar nossa relação com a luz, no contexto da cultura ocidental, e reconhecer seu protagonismo ao serviço de foto-políticas, termo que propomos para designar algumas das instrumentalizações (bio)políticas da luz. Por fim, analisando obras e práticas luminosas insurgentes da contemporaneidade, buscaremos refletir sobre possíveis estratégias através das quais poderiam ser erguidas contraluzes. ; In this article, we seek to explain some of the relationships between light and biopolitics in modern and contemporary cities. We consider light as an external stimulation capable of not only impacting and sensitizing bodies, but also influencing them in different ways and to different degrees. Based on this premise, we ask ourselves how, in modernity and in contemporary times, the luminous materialities and practices of urban space have the capacity to influence, determine, capture, monitor, discipline and control the opinions, discourses and practices of individuals. In order to outline some partial elements of response to this wide-ranging problem, we first try to demonstrate how public lighting in modern Paris can be considered a disciplinary technology. Then, we ask how light can, even today, participate in different power strategies. Starting with Paul Virilio (2002), we argue that there has been a shift in control strategies through light in relation to previous times. Subsequently, a distinction is proposed by the author, outlining two regimes: the first, coming from modernity, is characterized by the use of "direct light"; to this, we can now add a second regime of "indirect light", characteristic of societies of control. Thereby, we attempt to denaturalize our relationship with light, in the context of western culture, and recognize its role in the service of photo-politics, a term that we propose to designate some of the (bio)political instrumentalizations of light. Finally, analyzing contemporary insurgent luminous artworks and practices, we reflect on the possible strategies through which insurgent lights could be raised.

Neste artigo, buscaremos explicitar algumas das relações entre luz e biopolítica na cidade moderna e na contemporânea. Consideramos a luz como uma estimulação externa capaz não apenas de atingir e sensibilizar os corpos como também de agir, de diversas formas e em diferentes graus, sobre eles. A partir dessa premissa, nos perguntaremos de que maneira, na modernidade e na contemporaneidade, as materialidades e práticas luminosas do espaço urbano teriam a capacidade de influenciar, determinar, capturar, vigiar, disciplinar e controlar as opiniões, discursos e práticas dos indivíduos. Com o intuito de esboçar alguns elementos parciais de resposta a essa abrangente problemática, buscaremos demonstrar, em um primeiro momento, de que maneira a iluminação pública da Paris moderna poderia ser encarada como uma tecnologia disciplinar. Em seguida, nos perguntaremos de que modo a luz poderia, ainda na contemporaneidade, participar de diversas estratégias de poder. A partir de Paul Virilio (2002), argumentaremos que houve um deslocamento nas estratégias de controle por meio da luz em relação a épocas anteriores. Retomando uma distinção proposta pelo autor, queremos delinear dois regimes: o primeiro, oriundo da modernidade, que se caracterizaria pelo emprego de "luz direta"; ao qual se acrescentaria hoje um segundo regime de "luz indireta", próprio às sociedades de controle. Desse modo, procuraremos desnaturalizar nossa relação com a luz, no contexto da cultura ocidental, e reconhecer seu protagonismo ao serviço de foto-políticas, termo que propomos para designar algumas das instrumentalizações (bio)políticas da luz. Por fim, analisando obras e práticas luminosas insurgentes da contemporaneidade, buscaremos refletir sobre possíveis estratégias através das quais poderiam ser erguidas contraluzes. ; In this article, we seek to explain some of the relationships between light and biopolitics in modern and contemporary cities. We consider light as an external stimulation capable of not only impacting and sensitizing bodies, but also influencing them in different ways and to different degrees. Based on this premise, we ask ourselves how, in modernity and in contemporary times, the luminous materialities and practices of urban space have the capacity to influence, determine, capture, monitor, discipline and control the opinions, discourses and practices of individuals. In order to outline some partial elements of response to this wide-ranging problem, we first try to demonstrate how public lighting in modern Paris can be considered a disciplinary technology. Then, we ask how light can, even today, participate in different power strategies. Starting with Paul Virilio (2002), we argue that there has been a shift in control strategies through light in relation to previous times. Subsequently, a distinction is proposed by the author, outlining two regimes: the first, coming from modernity, is characterized by the use of "direct light"; to this, we can now add a second regime of "indirect light", characteristic of societies of control. Thereby, we attempt to denaturalize our relationship with light, in the context of western culture, and recognize its role in the service of photo-politics, a term that we propose to designate some of the (bio)political instrumentalizations of light. Finally, analyzing contemporary insurgent luminous artworks and practices, we reflect on the possible strategies through which insurgent lights could be raised.

This debate, an essay, reflects some challenges for society in the face of the current pandemic of COVID-19, in particular for health, surveillance and promotion. We assume that the current crisis is part of a broader civilizational crisis with multiple dimensions - social, economic, democratic, environmental and health- and that public health will need to reinvent itself in an emancipatory perspective. The article is organized in four topics. In the first, we present our main conceptual keys; in the second, we defend our central argument: the current pandemic intensifies previous injustices and vulnerabilities that mark capitalist and colonial modernity, which are strongly excluding and racist. In the third, we reflect on the crossroads, challenges and emancipatory possibilities in the face of the gaps opened by the proximity of death and the dilution of borders between normality and urgencies, including wealthier groups and countries. We finish the text with some reflections inspired by wise people and artists from Minas Gerais, a Brazilian State, such as the indigenous Ailton Krenak, the writer Guimarães Rosa and singers of Clube da Esquina. ; Esse debate, em forma de ensaio, reflete alguns desafios para a sociedade diante da atual pandemia da COVID-19, em particular para a saúde, a vigilância e a promoção. Assumimos que a crise atual faz parte de uma crise civilizatória mais ampla com múltiplas dimensões – social, econômica, democrática, ambiental e sanitária –, e que a saúde pública/coletiva precisará se reinventar numa perspectiva emancipatória. O artigo está organizado em quatro partes. Na primeira apresentamos nossa chave de leitura conceitual, na segunda defendemos nosso argumento central: a pandemia intensifica injustiças e vulnerabilidades anteriores que marcam a modernidade capitalista e colonial, excludente e racista. Na terceira, refletimos sobre as encruzilhadas, desafios e possibilidades emancipatórias diante das fendas abertas pela proximidade da morte e a diluição de fronteiras entre a normalidade e as urgências, inclusive para grupos e países mais ricos. Encerramos o texto com reflexões inspiradas em sábios e artistas de Minas Gerais, como o indígena Ailton Krenak, Guimarães Rosa e o Clube da Esquina.

Dividido em três etapas complementares, o presente artigo discute a reflexão de Hannah Arendt sobre a crise da educação no mundo contemporâneo. Na primeira parte se estabelecem algumas conexões teóricas gerais entre as teses de Arendt a respeito da crise da educação e sua reflexão filosófico-política sobre a crise política da modernidade. Na segunda parte do texto, discute-se a hipótese arendtiana de que a crise da educação também está relacionada à introdução de abordagens educacionais de caráter psicopedagógico, as quais, em vez contribuir para educar os jovens para a responsabilidade pelo mundo e para a ação política, os mantêm numa condição infantilizada que se estende até a idade adulta, trazendo, em consequência, novos problemas políticos. Finalmente, na terceira parte do texto, propõe-se a hipótese de que uma das principais contribuições do pensamento arendtiano para pensar a crise contemporânea da educação se encontra em sua interessante discussão do binômio "crítica" e "crise", o qual põe em questão o binômio tradicional "crise/reforma". Arendt, assim como Foucault e Deleuze, nos ensina que crítica e crise são fenômenos modernos indissociáveis e nos convida a enxergar a crise como momento privilegiado para o exercício da atividade da crítica. Para Arendt, a crise na educação deve ser entendida como oportunidade crucial para reflexões críticas a respeito do próprio processo educativo. ; Comprised of three complementary parts, the present article discusses Hannah Arendt's reflection on the education crisis in the contemporary world. In the first part general theoretical connections are established between Arendt's theses on the education crisis and her philosophical-political thinking about the political crisis of modernity. The second part of the text discusses the Arendtian hypothesis that the education crisis is also related to the introduction of educational approaches of a psychopedagogical character which, instead of contributing to educate the young to the responsibility for the world and for political action, keep them in a childlike condition that lasts up to adulthood, consequently bringing new political problems. Finally, in the third part of the text, the hypothesis is proposed that one of the main contributions from Arendt's thinking to the reflection about the contemporary crisis of education can be found in her fruitful discussion of the "critique"-"crisis" pair, which brings into question the traditional "crisis/reform" couple. Arendt, similarly to Foucault and Deleuze, teaches us that critique and crisis are inseparable modern phenomena, and invites us to see crisis as a privileged moment for the exercise of the activity of critique. For Arendt, the education crisis should be understood as a crucial opportunity for critical reflection about the education process itself.

Neste artigo irei contextualizar o aumento do número de movimentos de gays e lésbicas no âmbito dos debates sobre os discursos dos direitos e da temática dos direitos, que é seguramente o mais forte afrodisíaco do liberalismo. Analiso o modo como a sexualidade se tornou parte de uma formação essencial na articulação de cidadãos plenos através dos vários registos, como género, classe e etnia, quer nacional, quer transnacionalmente. Este estudo posiciona claramente o homonacionalismo como categoria analítica necessária à compreensão e conceção histórica dos motivos pelos quais o estado de uma nação como simpatizante gay se tornou desejável à partida. Como a Modernidade, o homonacionalismo pode ser objeto de resistência e de resignificação, mas não pode ser excluído: todos somos condicionados por ele e através dele. O artigo encontra-se estruturado em três secções. Começo por apresentar uma panorâmica do projeto Terrorist Assemblages, prestando atenção, em particular, à utilização do termo "homonacionalismo". Em segundo lugar, discuto o homonacionalismo no contexto da Palestina/Israel, com o objetivo de demonstrar a relevância dos discursos sobre direitos sexuais e da narrativa de "lavagem cor-de-rosa" para a ocupação. Termino com uma reflexão acerca do potencial inerente ao pensamento da sexualidade, não como uma identidade, mas como mosaicos de sensações, afetos e forças. Esta viralidade da sexualidade destabiliza produtivamente as noções humanistas dos sujeitos da sexualidade, assim como a organização política que procura resistir aos discursos jurídicos instituídos com o objetivo de nomear e controlar estes sujeitos de sexualidade. ; In this article I aim to contextualise the rise of gay and lesbian movements within the purview of debates about rights discourses and the rights-based subject, arguably the most potent aphrodisiac of liberalism. I examine how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper citizens across registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. The essay clarifies homonationalism as an analytic category necessary for understanding and historicising why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and resignified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it. The article proceeds in three sections. I begin with an overview of the project of Terrorist Assemblages, with specific attention to the circulation of the term 'homonationalism'. Second, I will elaborate on homonationalism in the context of Palestine/Israel to demonstrate the relevance of sexual rights discourses and the narrative of 'pinkwashing' to the occupation. I will conclude with some rumination about the potential of thinking sexuality not as an identity, but as assemblages of sensations, affects, and forces. This virality of sexuality productively destabilises humanist notions of the subjects of sexuality but also the political organising seeking to resist legal discourses that attempt to name and control these subjects of sexuality.

Neste artigo irei contextualizar o aumento do número de movimentos de gays e lésbicas no âmbito dos debates sobre os discursos dos direitos e da temática dos direitos, que é seguramente o mais forte afrodisíaco do liberalismo. Analiso o modo como a sexualidade se tornou parte de uma formação essencial na articulação de cidadãos plenos através dos vários registos, como género, classe e etnia, quer nacional, quer transnacionalmente. Este estudo posiciona claramente o homonacionalismo como categoria analítica necessária à compreensão e conceção histórica dos motivos pelos quais o estado de uma nação como simpatizante gay se tornou desejável à partida. Como a Modernidade, o homonacionalismo pode ser objeto de resistência e de resignificação, mas não pode ser excluído: todos somos condicionados por ele e através dele. O artigo encontra-se estruturado em três secções. Começo por apresentar uma panorâmica do projeto Terrorist Assemblages, prestando atenção, em particular, à utilização do termo "homonacionalismo". Em segundo lugar, discuto o homonacionalismo no contexto da Palestina/Israel, com o objetivo de demonstrar a relevância dos discursos sobre direitos sexuais e da narrativa de "lavagem cor-de-rosa" para a ocupação. Termino com uma reflexão acerca do potencial inerente ao pensamento da sexualidade, não como uma identidade, mas como mosaicos de sensações, afetos e forças. Esta viralidade da sexualidade destabiliza produtivamente as noções humanistas dos sujeitos da sexualidade, assim como a organização política que procura resistir aos discursos jurídicos instituídos com o objetivo de nomear e controlar estes sujeitos de sexualidade. ; In this article I aim to contextualise the rise of gay and lesbian movements within the purview of debates about rights discourses and the rights-based subject, arguably the most potent aphrodisiac of liberalism. I examine how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper citizens across registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. The essay clarifies homonationalism as an analytic category necessary for understanding and historicising why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and resignified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it. The article proceeds in three sections. I begin with an overview of the project of Terrorist Assemblages, with specific attention to the circulation of the term 'homonationalism'. Second, I will elaborate on homonationalism in the context of Palestine/Israel to demonstrate the relevance of sexual rights discourses and the narrative of 'pinkwashing' to the occupation. I will conclude with some rumination about the potential of thinking sexuality not as an identity, but as assemblages of sensations, affects, and forces. This virality of sexuality productively destabilises humanist notions of the subjects of sexuality but also the political organising seeking to resist legal discourses that attempt to name and control these subjects of sexuality.

This research aims to present two legislations created in 1920 in Minas Gerais. The first one is about the law 800 from 27th November 1920 which reorganizes the primary school in the State and it also contains others rules. The second one regulates the law 800 that was endorsed in 1924. The alleged is that the legislation expressed a historical time, that is to say, more than intentions of ruling elites, it is an expression of an era, with their problems, as well as ordering the treatment of values issues. The hypothesis that we seek to demonstrate is that such laws are indicative of a historical time in the phase of educational enthusiasm, on characterization of Jorge Nagle (2001), but even preceding the establishment of the social right to education, that is a historical watershed of the modernity of brazilian and worldwide educational. The missing dimension for to enter into the new time is precisely the permanence of a generic conception of citizenship unveiled at an ordination that weakens the role public school. It occurs either through the obligation of the public offer of educational shared with the society, either through the requirement of civic consciousness of the people preceding the public offer, in a clear scapegoating this school expansion limits. The work procedure is done by legal sources exegesis and regulatory standards, including in the school minutes, as well as the legislative debates. ; El documento presenta investigaciones sobre dos legislaciones que surgieron en la década de 1920 en el estado de Minas Gerais. El primero se refiere a la ley 800 de 27 de septiembre de 1920 (reorganiza la educación primaria del Estado y contiene otras disposiciones); el segundo, produce la regulación de la ley 800, aprobada en 1924. Se supone que la legislación expresa un tiempo histórico, vale la pena decir, más que intenciones de las élites gobernantes, es una expresión de un tiempo, con sus problemas, así como valores que ordenan el tratamiento de las cuestiones. La hipótesis que buscamos demostrar es que tales legislaciones son indicadores de un tiempo histórico ya en la fase de "entusiasmo educativo", en la caracterización de Jorge Nagle (2001), pero aún precediendo a la constitución del derecho social a la educación, un marco de Modernidad educativa brasileña y global. La dimensión que falta para entrar en el nuevo tiempo es precisamente la permanencia de una concepción genérica de la ciudadanía revelada en una ordenación escolar que debilita el protagonismo público registrados. Esto ocurre ya sea a través de la concepción de la obligación de la oferta educativa dividida con la sociedad, ya sea a través de la exigencia de "conciencia cívica" de las personas que preceden a la oferta, en una clara culpabilidad de esta que limita la expansión escolar. El procedimiento de trabajo se realiza mediante la exégesis de fuentes legales normativas y reglamentarias, incluso en estas actas escolares, así como por los debates legislativos registrados. ; O trabalho apresenta pesquisa sobre duas legislações surgidas nos anos de 1920 no Estado de Minas Gerais. A primeira refere-se à lei 800, de 27 de setembro de 1920 (reorganiza o ensino primário do Estado e contém outras disposições); a segunda, produz a regulamentação da lei 800, aprovada em 1924. O suposto é de que a legislação expressa um tempo histórico, vale dizer, mais do que intenções de elites governantes, ela é expressão de uma época, com seus problemas, bem como de valores que ordenam o tratamento das questões. A hipótese que procuramos demonstrar é de que tais legislações são indicadoras de um tempo histórico já na fase do 'entusiasmo educacional', na caracterização de Jorge Nagle (2001), porém ainda precedendo a constituição do direito social à educação, marco da modernidade educacional brasileira e mundial. A dimensão faltante para o ingresso no novo tempo é precisamente a permanência de uma concepção genérica de cidadania revelada numa ordenação escolar que fragiliza o protagonismo público. Isso ocorre seja através de concepção de obrigação da oferta educacional dividida com a sociedade, seja através da exigência de 'consciência cívica' do povo antecedendo a oferta, numa clara culpabilização deste que limita a expansão escolar. O procedimento do trabalho faz-se pela exegese das fontes legais normativas e regulatórias, incluindo nestas as Atas escolares, bem como pelos debates legislativos registrados.