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AbstractTo date, studies of international politics have little space for time. In this article, I argue that time is constitutive of the international system by offering a genealogical historical sketch of the coeval rise of territorial state sovereignty and Western standard time (consisting of seconds, minutes, and hours). Sovereignty is rightly a foundational concept of both the international system and the field of International Relations (IR), but the emergence of the contemporary method of reckoning time during the Enlightenment also supported the project of political modernity, and is thus critical to IR. The genealogical motive of the sketch is to understand what have become naturalised, global social conventions as historically contingent, cosmopolitical phenomena that resulted from significant socio-political efforts and conflicts. I locate 'sites' where modern sovereignty emerged and explicate contemporaneous processes, factors, and events implicated in the rise of modern time at those sites. In doing so, I outline how particular modes of understanding space and time were bred in Western Europe, spread around the world via colonialism, and embedded during the eras of global war and post-colonialism. I conclude by contrasting current challenges to territorial state sovereignty with Western standard time's untrammelled global hegemony.

The generation of meaning is the primary precondition for acting and thinking. The essays in this volume contribute to a discourse on this matter with a decentred, globalized world in mind. The notions civilization, humanism and modernity - far from being exclusively Western ideas - may facilitate joint efforts of reflecting on the universality of current human conditions, particularly since such reflexion is possible from particular cultural perspectives. Modernity presents us with a second Axial Time in which the quest for a plural, but shared, humane world is the challenge.

As modernity, that hopeful age of man and reason, broke from the inside out –– with World War 2, with Holocaust, with totalitarian attempts at modernization across the globe –– many frustrated artists turned their attention to dissecting and criticizing it, if not abandoning it wholly for something better. One specific focus of this pushback has been how modernity perceived daily and historical time, its philosophical arms-supplier being Henri Bergson, the fin-de-siecle French thinker on time. Here I read two 1950s novels, one from authoritarian-capitalist Turkey and the other from communist East Germany, as philosophical novels inspired by Bergson –– Ahmet Hamdi Tanpinar's The Time Regulation Institute and Uwe Johnson's Speculations about Jakob –– and catalogue the many intriguing ways in which they criticize the abstract time of hours and seconds and the linear and teleological understanding of history. In the end arises a cross-national upholding of Bergsonian duration, an understanding of time as movement instead of a series of moments, both in the life of the individual and that of political peoples, from which blooms a recognition of human freedom.

La pretensión moderna de ser una época radicalmente diferente del pasado, a través de un agudo sentido de contingencia y politicidad conceptual (discontinuidad histórica y conciencia de finitud), lleva aparejado el problema de su deslizamiento en el nihilismo. Con base en este propósito de irreductibilidad, aquí se coteja La Legitimidad de la Edad Moderna de H. Blumenberg, frente a la tradición "fenomenológico-hermenéutica", aquí representada por R. Koselleck. En la primera sección del cuerpo del trabajo, se aborda el problema desde un enfoque "teórico-histórico" (2), mientras que la segunda sección trata el interrogante desde un punto de vista "ético-político" (3). ; Modern claim of being a completely different age with reference to the past, due to an acute sense of contingency and conceptual politicity (such as historical discontinuity and awareness of fini­teness) is related to the problem of sliding towards nihilism. Based on that irreducibility, the aim of the present paper is to collate The Legitimacy of Modern Age, by H. Blumenberg, facing the "phenomeno­logical-hermeneutic" tradition, represented here by R. Kosselleck. We address the issue divided in two parts, according to two different approaches. First, we present a "theorical-political" point of view (2); and second, we discuss the question from an "ethical-political" angle (3).

Rousseau is famous as an advocate of the politics of "denaturing." But attention to his conception of the "science of the legislator," as developed in the Geneva Manuscript and his writings on Poland and Corsica, reveals a more moderate approach to statecraft. Here Rousseau claims that legislative science requires tempering commitment to principles of political right with sensitivity to actual political conditions—a claim that importantly and unexpectedly parallels the better known account of the science of the legislator developed by Adam Smith. In comparing these conceptions, this article draws three conclusions: first, Smith's and Rousseau's shared moderation reveals their common commitment to accommodating the passions and prejudices of modernity; second, their fundamental difference concerns not practical legislative methods but rather differing conceptions of natural justice and political right; and finally, their prudential approach to legislation helps clarify the specific types of "moderation" and "intelligence" required of contemporary nation builders.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- I.1 1655 -- I.2 1894 -- I.3 2013 -- Part I An idea of love -- 1 On love: between a social bond and an emotion -- 1.1 Framing love? -- 1.2 The whys and why-nots of critical theory and feminist analysis in order to define and work with love -- 1.3 Love in our words -- 1.4 The triangular theory of love -- 1.5 Niklas Luhmann on love and intimacy -- 1.6 Would Luhmann consider love as an emotion? -- 1.7 Beck/Beck-Gernsheim -- 1.8 Pulling different strings together: Eva Illouz -- 1.9 A brief review: a first balance -- 2 Love as a second-order form -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Love as an emotion and as a social bond -- 2.3 On second-order forms: what is a second-order form? -- 2.4 Could love be a form of the second order? -- 2.5 From love as an emotion to love as a second-order form -- 2.6 The conditions for love as a second-order form: on the changing nature of society and its forms and apriorities -- 2.7 A brief review: a second balance -- Part II A myth of love -- 3 Why and how could love become the predominant form of the second order? -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 From the crisis before to the crisis after first modernity: why was love able to become a second-order form? -- 3.3 The changes of the three apriorities during the next modernity crisis -- 3.4 On gratitude and faithfulness -- 3.5 Western trajectory to modernity and second-order forms -- 3.6 A brief review: a third balance -- 4 How did love become the predominant form of the second order? -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 From faithfulness to love and back: first steps in a history of love -- 4.3 Towards the time of love -- 4.4 Becoming a second-order form: love in modernity -- 4.5 A brief review: a fourth balance -- Part III An experience of love

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-107). ; This work deals with the current state of the South African theatre; it focuses primarily on 'white' theatre: scripted plays with a single author produced for mainstream South African and international theatres. This study examines the historical, political, and social forces that have brought about a period of pronounced turmoil in the post-apartheid South African theatre; it then explores how particular playwrights have engaged with key crisis points in their society. This dissertation focuses on four plays, one from the late 1980s - Pieter-Dirk Uys' Just Like Home' and three from the first decade of the 21st century: Lara Foot's Reach, Craig Higginson's Dream of the Dog, and John Kani's Nothing But the Truth. Other plays are drawn on briefly for comparison. The theme of the study is 'places' of whiteness, as it explores how, in the new South Africa, identities are shaped by different ideas of place: temporal, cultural, and physical. Key questions arise from each of these places. Debates about land, public versus private identities, the right to belong, guilt and forgiveness, and reconciliation across cultural boundaries are addressed, if not fully resolved, in all of the plays under discussion. The study is divided into four chapters. The first chapter provides historical background for the works under discussion, highlighting the debates currently taking place about the state of South African arts and culture. It then lays out theoretical frameworks that will be useful for analyzing these plays, in particular Peter Brook's discussion of the deadly theatre, Bertolt Brecht's aesthetic models, and Raymond Williams' analysis of subjunctive dramaturgy. The second chapter compares Uys' play, which displays the exhaustion of struggle theatre aesthetics, with Foot's work, which seeks to find a new, post-apartheid 'aesthetic of the ordinary.' By doing so, Foot's work posits a model of reconciliation through care that, although flawed, is nonetheless worthy of analysis. The third chapter turns to Higginson's and Kani's plays. Drawing parallels with the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, this chapter explores questions of guilt, memory, and forgiveness; this provides a foundation for a further exploration of the redefining of identities in the new South Africa. The final chapter highlights the strengths and weaknesses of all four plays, each of which is only partially successful as a dramatic work. While emphasizing the contributions of all four plays to the task of building the new South Africa, this chapter also outlines the work that remains to be done in the South African theatre and suggests possible ways forward for later generations of theatre artists.

El presente artículo pretende analizarel primer código penal y procesal de laEuropa latina con un carácter completo,sistemático, abstracto y estructuradodogmáticamente, llamado en latín porel Sacro Emperador Romano CarlosV —Carolus— Constitutio CriminalisCarolina o, en breve, la Carolina1. Sedescubrirá, por una parte, algunos rasgosde modernización significativos, característicosdel período del Renacimientoy, por otra parte, una enorme diferenciacultural por la bestialidad e irracionalidaddel derecho penal de la Modernidadtemprana.Se iniciará con la introducción teóricametodológica.El segundo subcapítulose dedicará a la relación entre el derechopenal y la consolidación del Estadojudicial de la paz interna, en el tercerose profundizarán los inicios del Estadolegislador que trasladó el derecho celestialinmodificable a la esfera humana enla tierra. En cuarto lugar, se discutirán los delitos tipificados y el sistema de laspenas de la Carolina. Sigue la quintasección dedicada al proceso penal inquisitorio,entre el pensamiento mágico ylas garantías procesales protegidas porla demanda de nulidad. Sexto, se trataráel alcance de los tres siglos de la Carolina.En séptimo lugar, se contextualizará laCarolina en perspectiva comparada. Enel octavo subcapítulo, se analizará lapráctica no tan sangrienta de los señoríosjurisdiccionales en los juicios entrevecinos, mientras el noveno mirará allado oscuro de los procesos de brujeríay el erranticidio. Sigue el décimo apartadosobre los orígenes de una especiede justicia constitucional con base en laCarolina. Undécimo, se preguntará porla reedición de la lógica de la Carolinaen forma de la Constitutio CriminalisTeresiana de 1768. En duodécimo lugar,se debatirán los inicios de la reformailustrada del derecho penal a finales delsiglo XVIII, para terminar con algunasconsideraciones conclusivas. ; This article aims to analyze the first criminal and procedural code of Latin Europe with a complete, systematic, abstract and dogmatically structured, Latin name by the Holy Roman Emperor Carlos V —Carolus— Constitutio Criminalis Carolina or, in short, Carolina. Some significant features of modernization, characteristic of the age of rebirth and, on the other hand, an enormous cultural difference due to the bestiality and irrationality of the penal law of early modernity will be discovered. It will begin with the theoreticalmethodological introduction. The second subchapter will focus on the relationship between criminal law and the consolidation of the judicial state of internal peace, in the third will deepen the beginnings of the state legislator who transferred the unchangeable celestial law to the human sphere on earth. Fourth, it will discuss the typified crimes and the system of penalties of the Carolina. The fifth section is devoted to the criminal inquisitorial process between magical thinking and procedural safeguards protected by the nullity claim. Sixth, the scope of the three centuries of Carolina will be discussed. In the seventh place, the Carolina will be contextualized in comparative perspective. In the eighth subchapter, we will analyze the not-so-bloody practice of jurisdictional lordships in neighbors' trials, while the ninth will look at the dark side of witchcraft and erranticide processes. It follows the tenth paragraph on the origins of a kind of constitutional justice based on Carolina. Eleventh, we will ask for the reissue of the logic of the Carolina in the form of the Constitutio Criminalis Teresiana of 1768. Twelfth, the beginnings of the enlightened reform of criminal law at the end of the eighteenth century will be debated, to conclude with some conclusive considerations.

This article aims to analyze the first criminal and procedural code of Latin Europe with a complete, systematic, abstract and dogmatically structured, Latin name by the Holy Roman Emperor Carlos V —Carolus— Constitutio Criminalis Carolina or, in short, Carolina. Some significant features of modernization, characteristic of the age of rebirth and, on the other hand, an enormous cultural difference due to the bestiality and irrationality of the penal law of early modernity will be discovered. It will begin with the theoreticalmethodological introduction. The second subchapter will focus on the relationship between criminal law and the consolidation of the judicial state of internal peace, in the third will deepen the beginnings of the state legislator who transferred the unchangeable celestial law to the human sphere on earth. Fourth, it will discuss the typified crimes and the system of penalties of the Carolina. The fifth section is devoted to the criminal inquisitorial process between magical thinking and procedural safeguards protected by the nullity claim. Sixth, the scope of the three centuries of Carolina will be discussed. In the seventh place, the Carolina will be contextualized in comparative perspective. In the eighth subchapter, we will analyze the not-so-bloody practice of jurisdictional lordships in neighbors' trials, while the ninth will look at the dark side of witchcraft and erranticide processes. It follows the tenth paragraph on the origins of a kind of constitutional justice based on Carolina. Eleventh, we will ask for the reissue of the logic of the Carolina in the form of the Constitutio Criminalis Teresiana of 1768. Twelfth, the beginnings of the enlightened reform of criminal law at the end of the eighteenth century will be debated, to conclude with some conclusive considerations. ; El presente artículo pretende analizarel primer código penal y procesal de laEuropa latina con un carácter completo,sistemático, abstracto y estructuradodogmáticamente, llamado en latín porel Sacro Emperador Romano CarlosV —Carolus— Constitutio CriminalisCarolina o, en breve, la Carolina1. Sedescubrirá, por una parte, algunos rasgosde modernización significativos, característicosdel período del Renacimientoy, por otra parte, una enorme diferenciacultural por la bestialidad e irracionalidaddel derecho penal de la Modernidadtemprana.Se iniciará con la introducción teóricametodológica.El segundo subcapítulose dedicará a la relación entre el derechopenal y la consolidación del Estadojudicial de la paz interna, en el tercerose profundizarán los inicios del Estadolegislador que trasladó el derecho celestialinmodificable a la esfera humana enla tierra. En cuarto lugar, se discutirán los delitos tipificados y el sistema de laspenas de la Carolina. Sigue la quintasección dedicada al proceso penal inquisitorio,entre el pensamiento mágico ylas garantías procesales protegidas porla demanda de nulidad. Sexto, se trataráel alcance de los tres siglos de la Carolina.En séptimo lugar, se contextualizará laCarolina en perspectiva comparada. Enel octavo subcapítulo, se analizará lapráctica no tan sangrienta de los señoríosjurisdiccionales en los juicios entrevecinos, mientras el noveno mirará allado oscuro de los procesos de brujeríay el erranticidio. Sigue el décimo apartadosobre los orígenes de una especiede justicia constitucional con base en laCarolina. Undécimo, se preguntará porla reedición de la lógica de la Carolinaen forma de la Constitutio CriminalisTeresiana de 1768. En duodécimo lugar,se debatirán los inicios de la reformailustrada del derecho penal a finales delsiglo XVIII, para terminar con algunasconsideraciones conclusivas.

Contemporary discussions of secularism in India have been constrained by the tradition-modern (western) dichotomy. For some, secularism is originally a Christian doctrine adapted to modern western conditions, & means the strict separation of church & state. It is also predominantly a single-value doctrine, motivated either by liberty (as in the United states) or equality of citizenship (as in France) more suited to single-religion societies than to the socio-cultural context of India where it is more appropriate to rely on resources of multiple & indigenous religious traditions for the sake of quite different values of peace & toleration. Others argue that India has the civilizational resource from which to retrieve its own conception of secularism captured best by the phrase 'sarva dharma samb-hava' (equal respect for all religions). I argue instead that India has worked out a distinctive conception of the secular that was at once Indian & modern. This remains a practical conception rather than a coherent doctrine or theory, & can thus be called Indian secularism only by extension. This conception builds on traditional resources as well as on the legacy of the British colonial state but innovatively transforms them. Many distinctive features characterize it. First, it deals simultaneously with inter-religious & intra-religious domination. Second, it has an explicit multi-value character. Third, it rejects strict separation. Separation does not mean exclusion or strict neutrality but what I call principled distance. Fourth, it implies neither respectful indifference nor active hostility but respectful transformation of religion. In short, secularism inherits the tradition of religious reform that began in India both prior to the advent of colonial modernity & because of a critical engagement with it. Finally, Indian secularism is an ethically-sensitive practical settlement & less a scientific, rationalist doctrine worked out by ideologues & implemented by political agents. Adapted from the source document.

Machine generated contents note:pt. IPerspective of Historical Sociology (By Way of Introduction) --Path to Historical Sociology --History and Sociology --Theoretical Dilemmas --pt. IISocieties and the Processes of Change --Dimension of Time --Temporalized Sociology --Division of Historical Time --History as Life's Teacher --Social Change -- Different Approaches to its Observation and Analysis --Theories of Cyclical Development --Theories of Developmental Discontinuity and Breaks --Materialist Conception of History --Revolution --Collective Actors of Social Change --Theory of Breaks --Theory of Linear Continuous Development --Sequential and Processual Explanatory Models --Evolutionary Theory --Some New Approaches to the Issue of Social Change --Crisis as a Challenge --Etymology and Semantics of the Concept of Crisis --Risk, Crisis, Catastrophe, and Collapse --One Concept -- Many Manifestations --Plurality of Explanatory Frameworks --Current Issues --pt. IIIIdeas of the Sociological "Founders" --Sociology as a Science of Social Statics and Dynamics --Evolution of the Social Organism --Historical Materialism --Predecessors --Thinker Who Wished to Change the World --Explaining the Emergence of Capitalism --Digression on the Early rationalization of time --Sociology as a Science about Social Facts --Digression on Collective Memory --pt. IVSystems, Structures, and Functions --Social System and Evolution --Inequality, Stratification, Mobility --Theories of Conflict --Social Functions of Conflicts --Social Conflict in Modern Society --Appendix to Conflict Theory --Structuralism and Poststructuralism --Invariable Structures --Variable Structures --Functional Differentiation and Its Consequences --World-System --pt. VCivilizational Analysis --Civilizing Process --Paradigms of Human Condition --Civilizations of the Axial Age --pt. VIModern World, Its Formative Processes and Transformations --Pathways to Modern Society --Citizens and the State --Different Types of Social Revolution --Revolutions in the International Context --Formation of Modern Nations --Nationalism and High Culture --National Interest --Dark Side of Modernization --Banality of Evil --Advocate for the Open Society --Critique of Ideological Myths and Totalitarian Tendencies --Wars, Conflicts, and Violence --Coercion and Violence --Networks of Power --From the First Modernity to the Second Modernity --Story of Modernization Theory --Transformations of Contemporary Societies --pt. VIIHuman Individual and History --Individualization in the Perspective of Historical -- Sociological Thinking --Individualism and Holism --Homo Sociologicus --Human Individual and Its Place in History.

PurposeThe objective of this paper is to make a case for a scenaric stance that holds high road and low road futures in mind at once. Opening with regrets about the total eclipse of Utopian thinking, the paper aims to move on to embrace both aspirational futures and a forthright recognition of the many ways in which things could go wrong. Adopting a scenaric stance amounts to a new, fourth attitude toward historical time and the future. The ancients lived in an ahistorical, cyclical time. Second, modernity embraced a progressive and optimistic approach to the future. Third, post‐modernity turns pessimistic about the future. Fourth, a new scenaric stance vindicates Utopian optimism by pairing it with a forthright recognition of pessimistic possibilities.Design/methodology/approachThis is a reflective, almost philosophical paper that articulates a new attitude toward the future, which demonstrates the significance of scenario planning for attitudes toward the future.FindingsA scenaric stance can restore the liberatory potential of Utopian thinking by yoking optimistic, aspirational futures together with a clear‐eyed recognition of the several ways that plans can misfire.Research limitations/implicationsThis is a philosophical, reflective piece that does not rely on any quantitative evidence or rigorous modeling.Practical implicationsThe practical implications are major: to the extent that the health of the economy relies on confidence and a willingness to take risks, a lemming‐like race to the bottom will result in a Japan‐like endless recession. A vindication is needed for aspirational scenarios.Social implicationsEveryone is better off when fewer people are living in crouch.Originality/valueAfter three decades of reviewing and contributing to the literature on future studies, the author has seen nothing that remotely resembles the argument of this paper. Its value consists in its potential for lifting people's sights. One stands in danger of a loss of confidence and an endless recession. One needs to restore a sense of possibility and optimism, but can do so responsibly only if one holds on to an honest sense of the real dangers one faces.