Suchergebnisse

Introduction / Susan Larson and Eva Woods -- Visibly modern Madrid : Mesonero, visual culture, and the apparatus of urban reform / Rebecca Haidt -- Foresight, blindness, or illusion? : women and citizenship in the second series of Galdòs's Episodios nacionales / David R. George, Jr -- Horror, spectacle and nation-formation : historical painting in late-nineteenth-century Spain / Jo Labanyi -- Isidora in the museum / Luis Fernández Cifuentes -- Thresholds of visibility at the borders of Madrid : Benjamin, Gòmez de la Serna, Mesonero / Andrew Bush -- Seeing the dead : manual and mechanical specters in modern Spain, 1893-1939 / Brad Epps -- Santiago Rusiñol's Impresiones de arte in the age of tourism : seeing Andalusia after seeing Paris / Elena Cueto Asín -- Landscape in the photography of Spain / Lee Fontanella -- From engraving to photo : cross-cut technologies in the Spanish illustrated press / Lou Charnon-Deutsch -- Spain's imaging and regional dress : from everyday object to museum piece and tourist attraction / Jesusa Vega -- Observing the city, mediating the mountain : Mirador and the International Exposition of Barcelona / Robert A. Davidson -- Joan Mirò, 1929 : high and low culture in Barcelona and Paris / Félix Fanås -- Stages of modernity : the uneasy symbiosis of the género chico and early cinema in Madrid / Susan Larson -- Visualizing the time-space of otherness : digression and distraction in Spanish silent film / Eva M. Woods -- Modern anxiety and documentary cinema in Republican Spain / Eva M. Woods -- The last look from the b

This article aims to explore the relationship between veiled, Islamist, women and modernity in Turkey where the woman question is indeed exemplary of the tension-ridden relations between modernity and Islam. By examining the veiled women's rejection of modernity I argue that it is wrong to read Islamism as an actual questioning of modernity. Traditional Islam is not the key element in understanding the veiled women's identity; rather, at the core of the issue is the reproduction of identity under conditions of modernity. First, I look at the Islamic understanding of women; second, I consider the relation of Kemalism to women, so as to understand oppositions between modernity and Islam on the woman question. Finally, the veiled women's rejection of modernity is analysed by means of taking its self-contradictions into the centre of the argument.

Following the organization, in 2009, of the first conference on The British Empire: Ideology, Perspectives, Perception, the Research Group dedicated to Culture Studies at the University of the Lisbon Centre for English Studies organized, in 2010, a second conference under the general title Empire Building and Modernity. This conference constitutes the second part of a three year project undertaken by the group, which will be followed, in 2011, by a third initiative, called Reviewing Imperial Conflicts. The proceedings of the second conference are now presented in this book. Empire Building and Modernity gives a larger scope to the original project, which was developed more strictly around the British Empire, and provides the opportunity to deal with questions related to the formation of modern European empires, namely the Portuguese Colonial Empire. The different chapters in this book reveal a variety of approaches that are very often at the cutting edge of the methodologies adopted in cultural studies, particularly in the field of post-colonial studies. The building of new perceptions on imperial issues interpreted through literature, the visual arts, history and political science, the role of museums, questions of gender and race and the construction of identity through language constitute the guidelines of the contributions presented in this volume. I hope you will enjoy reading it as much as we enjoyed discussing the issues that contributed to its making. ; Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia

The critique of ocularcentrism, the dominant tendency in Western (and perhaps not only Western) thinking to favour sight at the expense of other sense modalities, has recently come under attack from post-structuralist and post-phenomenological thinkers. The critique of ocularcentrism (documented in Martin Jay's work Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought) is intended to reinforce and supplement the critique of logocentrism and the metaphysics of presence, in other words, it forms part of the critique of Enlightenment rationality. I argue that the critique of Enlightenment rationality frequently overshoots its target. Heidegger's critique of the »scopic« rationality of our culture has been invoked as a radical alternative to ocularcentric thinking. I attempt to show that Heidegger's critique of Enlightenment rationality and of modernity is not radically anti-essentialist and anti-foundationalist, as his followers maintain. I also try to show that Heidegger is at best a dubious ally in the fight against an oppressive »scopic« rationality because of the sinister political background of his critique of modernity. ; Kritika okularocentrizma, prevladujoče težnje privilegirati vid na račun drugih čutnih modalnosti v zahodnem (in morda ne le zahodnem) mišljenju, je pred nedavnim postala predmet napada poststrukturalističnih in postfenomenoloških mislecev. Kritika okularo-centrizma (ki jo je dokumentiral Martin Jay v knjigi Sklonjeni pogled: Zavračanje vida v francoski misli dvajsetega stoletja) naj bi okrepila in dopolnila kritiko logo-centrizma in metafizike navzočnosti. Povedano drugače, ta kritika tvori del kritike razsvetljenske racionalnosti. V članku zagovarjam mnenje, da kritika razsvetljenstva pogosto cilja višje kot pa leži njena tarča. Heideggrova kritika »skopične« racionalnosti naše kulture naj bi služila kot radikalna alternativa okularocentričnemu mišljenju. Pokazati skušam, da Heideggrova kritika razsvetljenske racionalnosti in modernosti ni radikalno antiesencialistična in antifundacionalistična, kot trdijo njegovi učenci. Pokazati tudi skušam, da je Heidegger, zaradi svoje problematične politične preteklosti in kritike modernosti, v najboljšem primeru dvomljiv zaveznik v boju proti zatiralski »skopični« racionalnosti.

This paper calls attention to some basic problems and inner contradictions in the German sociologist Ulrich Beck's theory of the '(world) risk society' or reflexive (second) modernity. A main thread in the critique is that of addressing the theoretical ambiguities that seem to characterize Beck's at the same time 'social constructivist' and 'realist' notion of risk – ambiguities that seem to be repeated on the one hand in Beck's view on the relation between knowledge and unawareness in reflexive modernity and on the other hand in his view on the role of the mass media in the '(world) risk society'. Moreover, Beck's notions of second modernity, reflexivity, rationality and critique are critically examined. With the alternative positions discussed in the paper – represented by Jeffrey C. Alexander, Niklas Luhmann and Mitchell Dean – some indications are given as to how one might fruitfully elaborate on the problem of risk. Thus, rather than a mainly technology-driven new type of social reality, the '(world) risk society' could perhaps better be seen as indicating a changing cultural self-understanding of late modern society, a new 'semantics of crisis', or the emergence of new forms of governmentality in the contemporary welfare state. In conclusion, some indications are given as to how an analysis of more specific 'risk logics' or 'rationalities' could be elaborated on, and a terminology that reflects this more differentiated approach to risk in late modern society is suggested.

T he article contains an analysis of the major lessons of Immanuel Kant's philosophical project of perpetual peace in the context of development of contemporary political systems and international order. The author reviews the history of philosophical and legal accounts of perpetual peace, as well as the political context of Kant's project. The third part of the article offers a detailed analysis of Kant's proposals with regard to the institutional construction of constitutional republics and of a global federation of peoples. The author concludes that from the perspective of the 'second Modernity,' the experience of early Modern philosophers might assist in resuming a more active dialogue between philosophers and political leaders, as well as inviting contemporary philosophers to take a leadership role in the institutional construction of preconditions for civil peace and the prevention of wars in Eastern Europe.Keywords: Enlightenment, peace, Modernity, second modernity, Kant, progress, contemporaneity, de-modernization, Ukraine, post-Soviet society ; У статті розглянуто основні уроки кантівського філософського про-єкту вічного миру в контексті становлення Модерну з його полі-тичними системами і міжнародним ладом. Автор аналізує історію філософських і політико-правових позицій у розвитку ідеї вічного миру, а також історико-політичний контекст Кантового проєкту. У третій ча-стині статті подано аналіз пропозицій Канта щодо інстуціонального об-лаштування вічного миру, розвитку конституційних республік і світової федерації народів. Автор висновує, що в ситуації «другого Модерну» дос-від ранньомодерних філoсофських пошуків спонукає сучасних філософів до активного діялогу з державними діячами, а також до лідерства в інсти-туціональній розбудові передумов громадського миру і попередження воєн у східно-европейському реґіоні.Ключові слова: Просвітництво, мир, модерн, другий модерн, модерність, Кант, прогрес, сучасність, знесучаснення, демодернізація, Україна, постра-дянські суспільства

FIFTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER THE FALL OF FASCISM AND THE END OF THE Second World War, right-wing radical movements and parties are part of the political normalcy in many Western democracies. In the face of the twentieth-century experiences of fascism and state socialism, and their failures, this stubborn persistence seems at the same time anachronistic and frightening. While there is no shortage of explanations and interpretations of this phenomenon in an evergrowing body of literature, most studies focus on national trends and derive their criteria from country-specific histories and discourses. Serious comparative scholarship on the radical right is still in its infancy.This article is a plea for more comparative research on rightwing radicalism at the turn of the century. It begins by highlighting the three central dimensions of the problem. First, one must state that contemporary right-wing radicalism is an international phenomenon. Thus, more than before, comparative studies are needed both to analyse the international quality and to specify the nation-specific characteristics of the radical right in each country. Secondly, it must be borne in mind that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a modern phenomenon. It has undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernization shifts in post-war Europe. Thus it is only vaguely connected with previous versions. Terms like 'fascism' or 'neo-fascism' which suggest a historical continuity from Munich to Mölln and Magdeburg in Germany, or from Vichy to Vitrolles in France, become increasingly obsolete. The third factor to bear in mind is that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a complex phenomenon. The ongoing specialization and compartmentalization in the social sciences, such as discourse analysis, party and electoral research, and youth sociology – to name but a few of the approaches applied to the radical right – fail to do justice to the complexity of the subject. Clearly, the many faces of right-wing radicalism require clear analytical distinctions, but ultimately they need to be approached in a truly interdisciplinary way.

The article aims to show that style as a political problem is one of the conditions of possibility to understand the reactionary ethos of Latin American modernity. The conjecture is that Latin American modernity is a diachronic time that maintains a liberal time in tension with reactionary time, reason enough to suggest that the style of "antimoderns" allows to understand some the problems of Latin American aesthetic-political formation. Therefore, the article is divided into three parts. The first discusses style as an ethical problem, rather than aesthetic or rhetorical. The second postulates the notion of style and its gnostic traits in the Colombian Nicolás Gómez Dávila. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of Octavio Paz's style concept to show how an intellectual who defines himself as a liberal can share a reactionary style as a symptom of an epochal ethos. ; El artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar que el estilo como problema político es una de las condiciones de posibilidad para comprender el ethos reaccionario de la modernidad latinoamericana. La conjetura de fondo es que la modernidad latinoamericana es un tiempo diacrónico que mantiene un tiempo liberal en tensión con un tiempo reaccionario, razón suficiente para sugerir que el estilo de los "antimodernos" permite comprender algunos los problemas de la formación estético-política latinoamericana. Por consiguiente, el artículo está dividido en tres partes. La primera discute el estilo como un problema ético, antes que estético o retórico. La segunda postula la noción de estilo y sus rasgos gnósticos en el colombiano Nicolás Gómez Dávila. Por último, el artículo cierra con una discusión del concepto de estilo de Octavio Paz para mostrar cómo un intelectual que se define a sí mismo como liberal puede compartir el estilo de un reaccionario como síntoma de un ethos epocal.

"This book is written for a generation curious about religion, largely ignorant of what it actually is and confused by signals about it in the modern world. The argument is, therefore, self-explanatory throughout. The first half explains the historic and worldwide phenomenon of religion in its major manifestations. It also discusses problems with religion. The second part focusses on Christianity, showing how it can be professed with intellectual integrity and to personal and social benefit. Whilst the author is critical of some forms of contemporary Christianity, he draws throughout on the Bible and Christian tradition in its reconstruction. Care is given in defining modernity and explaining how Christianity engages with some of life's central concerns and resposibilities. In this the book shows how the Christian understanding of how to live responsibly and to the full remains as vibrant and relevant as it has ever been"--

"Discourses of modernity are abundant. Many distinguished scholars, with diverse intellectual backgrounds, have engaged in a critical reflection on the fundamental deficiencies of Western modernity. What comes out of these confrontations with the Western tradition of enlightenment and modernity, however, is far from being uniform. On the contrary, the proposed solutions are so divergent that one is liable to end up highly confused. For instance, conflicting philosophical positions with labels such as post- colonialism, de- colonialism, post- modernity, late- modernity, second modernity have been proposed, and are busy contesting each other"--

This paper argues that "modernity", as a process, a temporality, a category, and so on, is akin to Orientalism in that those who speak of it produce it as their ideology, their stereotyping of themselves and their others. The first section, on time, employs Kristeva's work in "Women's Time" in regards to the gendered politics of chaos and ordering. The second section, on alterity, pulls from various "times" and "spaces", where multiple authors from, at times, conflicting backgrounds converge on the politics of othering. The third section, on consent, is on structuring the limits of imaginable alternatives of discourse. The final section draws from the previous three in order to deconstruct "modernity" as a mythology of temporal, spacial and societal orderliness, producing forms of alterity to manufacture the consent of whomever speaks of modernity towards creating a convenient history and setting a hegemony-laden agenda. As such, modernity takes the place of "the real" to consolidate and augment hegemony by way of self-naturalization. It is a manufactured consent, of those who speak of, to and about it, to colonial aggression and arrogance by evacuating colonial relations of power from the limits of the debate.