Suchergebnisse

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The unlawful acts committed during the military occupation of the Second World War

The worldââ'¬â"¢s largest rabbit meat producer (460.000 tons in 2004) and exporter (6.397 tons) is China but their import is negligible. Italy is Europeansââ'¬â"¢s leading producer (second of the world: 222.000 tons). Italyââ'¬â"¢s rabbit meat import was the largest worldwide between 1990 and 1994 but in 2004 it was at the 4th position (2.320 tons). With its decreasing import the export is increasing and it reached 6.231 tons in 2003. Spain is at the second position in the European production (100.610 tons in 2004). With the increasing production it is among the top five countries in export (4.629 tons in 2004) but its import is small (441 tons in 2004). The largest importer country is Germany (7.589; 4.958 and 4.487 tons in 2002, 2003 and 2004, respectively). Its production was between 33.000 and 34.000 tons (between 1990 and 2004) but the export was small. The Netherlands is among the five countries that are exporting the largest amount of rabbit meat. They owned the first position (8.940 tons in 1998; 11.187 tons in 2001) then the second position (3.574 tons in 2004) after China. Hungary is at the 10th position in rabbit production (7.500 tons in 2004) and the country is among the leading exporters having the second-third place of the world (5.391 tons in 2004) but the country has no import at all. ; A világon Kína állítja elő a legtöbb nyúlhúst (2004-ben 460.000 tonna), ők exportálják a legnagyobb mennyiséget (6.397 tonna), de importjuk jelentéktelen. Európa első, a világ második legnagyobb termelője Olaszország (222.000 tonna 2004-ben). 1990 és 1994 között még ők importálták a legtöbb nyúlhúst, de 2004-ben már csak a 4. helyen álltak (2.320 tonna). Az import csökkenésével egyidejűleg nő az exportjuk, ami 2003-ban 6.231 tonnát ért el. Spanyolország Európában a második legnagyobb termelő (2004-ben 100.610 tonna). A termelésük növekedésével már a legtöbbet exportáló öt ország között vannak (2004-ben 4.629 tonna), de importjuk alacsony (2004-ben 441 tonna). A világon Németország importálja a legtöbb nyúlhúst (2002, 2003 és 2004-ben 7.589, 4.958 és 4.487 tonna). Termelésük 1990-től 33.000 és 34.000 tonna közötti, de kis mennyiséget exportálnak (2002, 2003 és 2004-ben 365, 305 és 173 tonna). Hollandia az öt legtöbb nyulat exportáló ország között található: 1998 (8.490 tonna) és 2001 (16.125 tonna) között az első helyen álltak, 2004-ben a másodikok (3.574 tonna). Ugyanakkor nagy mennyiségű nyúlhúst exportálnak, 2004-ben (8.716 tonna) és 2001- ben (11.187 tonna) Kína után a második helyet foglalták el. Magyarország termelésben a világon a 10. helyen áll (2004-ben 7.500 tonna), egyúttal a fő exportáló országok között a 2. és 3. helyet foglaljuk el (2004-ben 5.391 tonna), de egyáltalán nem importálunk nyulat.

In the resent years in Serbia the process of regionalization, the power of decentralization and the strengthening to self-government has become a central issue. In this context, my aim is to give a general preview about initial processes of Serbia's regional development, regionalism and decentralization. Regions and regional development have tradition on the Balkan. Taking into consideration this fact research of regional development of the former Yugoslavian republics is important. We have to study the instruments which were used to decrease the regional differences after the First and the Second World War. In this paper my aim is to introduce regional problems of the former Yugoslavia and today in Serbia. The main questions are: with which problems struggled Yugoslavia after the First World War and after the Second World War. How the government tried to solve the problems of regional inequalities in the past and what actions makes today to equalize the regional differences in Serbia.

The study presents in brief the life of Imre Mikó, lawyer, author of several significant works of legal literature in the field of minority rights in inter-war Transylvania, who was also, briefly, a member of the Hungarian Parliament. The life and activity of Imre Mikó may be divided into two major periods. Before the Second World War, as a student of law and theology, and later as a minority rights advocate he distinguished himself with a wide array of interests, both in the field of law and politics. He was appointed to the minority protection service of the Hungarian Community in this period. His activity was interrupted by the advent of World War Two. During the war, he fell into captivity, and, after his release from the Soviet Union, he attempted to resume his political and advocacy carrier only to be side-lined, spending almost two decades in the menial occupation of bookshop clerk. His belated and partial rehabilitation following his appointment as chief curator of the Unitarian Church is described in the study. The study also makes mention of the newly discovered information regarding the fact that Imre Mikó, under significant duress, collaborated with the Securitate, while at the same time he was himself under surveillance.

In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia. ; In recent decades, the United States has increasingly used the means of economic warfare in its geopolitical struggles. Among these instruments – in addition to the financial markets – it most often launches geoeconomic attacks in the oil market against its geopolitical adversaries. The United States can cause significant economic damage both for oil exporter (eg. Iran, Venezuela) and oil importer (eg. Cuba, North Korea) countries by restricting their access to oil markets.This paper analyzes the economic warfare in the oil market between the United States and Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Through these examples this paper demonstrates how the United States organizes and executes geoeconomic attacks in the oil market and how it handles country-specific problems. The United States has the means to organize broad international coalition alongside the oil market sanctions – even in the lack of UN Security Council resolutions.United Nations has decided on a number of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear program. These sanctions reduced the supply in the world oil market and resulted in about 10-20% price increase, while Iran – despite of the sanctions – found the way to sell significant amount of oil, mainly to China and India.Russia is a member of the UN Security Council, so no UN sanctions can be imposed on it, nevertheless the United States and its allies launched a geoeconomics assault against Russia after the annexation of the Crimea. Russia was prepared for these economic sanctions and could effectively reduce the negative effects on its oil export, which could even increase after the western sanctions. North Korea is under UN sanctions since 2006 because of its nuclear program. The sanctions refer to oil and oil products as well, but has no significant effect on world oil market and oil price, because North Korea is a relatively small country with low oil consumption.North Korea is suffering a huge economic burden due to severe restrictions and its only way to circumvent the embargo – according to American accusations – is to smuggle some oil from China and Russia.