Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the notion of implementation of visual aids as a part of second language learning strategies (SLLS). Moreover, the article highlights the implementation of visual aids via multimedia in teaching the second language at the Military Academy of Lithuania (MAL) by applying the questionnaire for English language teachers and learners involved in English language learning and acquisition at the MAL. For this purpose of the research, the diagnostic questions were developed by using validated and reliable questionnaires such as the Revised Study Process Questionnaire (R-SPQ-2F) and the Learner-Teacher Motivation (STM) questionnaire in terms of the implementation of visual aids in the SL learning and acquisition curriculum process. The analysis of the advantages of this method implementation into learning process is presented in the article, as well as the requirements and recommendations for authentic audio-visual materials on the basis of multimedia applied for the realization of pedagogical case study in a regular academic curriculum content and the technology of methodological development of authentic video or audio material for the achievement tests. The objective of the research is presented and described on the basis of the research. The research showed the significance of effectiveness of implementation of visual aids methods into the second language learning for they economize teaching, learning and acquisition time and increase motivation of both teachers and learners necessary to stimulate and boost psychological traits of a learner, such as verbal memory, behavior, positive emotions and others indispensable for participating in the language learning process and acquisition. Thus, the object of the research is based on visual aids as a part of SLLS alleviating and facilitating SL learning and acquisition by implementing visual aids as a part of SL learning strategies. The aim of the research is to apply visual aids as direct strategy in the language learning process as a part of SLLS used in the acquisition of a SL. Based on the theoretical and methodological SL learning approach of direct and indirect learning strategies, the methods of visual aids were chosen as the best means to accomplish the aim: to achieve the best effect of the SL learning and acquisition via implementing visual aids as a part of the SL learning strategies. In order to conduct the already set objectives of the research and to test the hypotheses of the research, the questionnaire was used to collect the required data. Moreover, besides the questionnaire data, the data of log observation sheets, pull-out focus groups, checklists, achievement tests and surveys of learners were analyzed too.

The article analyses the notion of implementation of visual aids as a part of second language learning strategies (SLLS). Moreover, the article highlights the implementation of visual aids via multimedia in teaching the second language at the Military Academy of Lithuania (MAL) by applying the questionnaire for English language teachers and learners involved in English language learning and acquisition at the MAL. For this purpose of the research, the diagnostic questions were developed by using validated and reliable questionnaires such as the Revised Study Process Questionnaire (R-SPQ-2F) and the Learner-Teacher Motivation (STM) questionnaire in terms of the implementation of visual aids in the SL learning and acquisition curriculum process. The analysis of the advantages of this method implementation into learning process is presented in the article, as well as the requirements and recommendations for authentic audio-visual materials on the basis of multimedia applied for the realization of pedagogical case study in a regular academic curriculum content and the technology of methodological development of authentic video or audio material for the achievement tests. The objective of the research is presented and described on the basis of the research. The research showed the significance of effectiveness of implementation of visual aids methods into the second language learning for they economize teaching, learning and acquisition time and increase motivation of both teachers and learners necessary to stimulate and boost psychological traits of a learner, such as verbal memory, behavior, positive emotions and others indispensable for participating in the language learning process and acquisition. Thus, the object of the research is based on visual aids as a part of SLLS alleviating and facilitating SL learning and acquisition by implementing visual aids as a part of SL learning strategies. The aim of the research is to apply visual aids as direct strategy in the language learning process as a part of SLLS used in the acquisition of a SL. Based on the theoretical and methodological SL learning approach of direct and indirect learning strategies, the methods of visual aids were chosen as the best means to accomplish the aim: to achieve the best effect of the SL learning and acquisition via implementing visual aids as a part of the SL learning strategies. In order to conduct the already set objectives of the research and to test the hypotheses of the research, the questionnaire was used to collect the required data. Moreover, besides the questionnaire data, the data of log observation sheets, pull-out focus groups, checklists, achievement tests and surveys of learners were analyzed too.

This Master's Thesis aims to determine what kind of roles Lithuania has perfomed during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė (2014-2019). It also seeks to answer the question, what development trends of identified roles could be noticed? To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To discuss role theory and reveal the position of political leader; 2. To formule the narrowed set of possible Lithuania's roles, taking into account the frames of Lithuanian identity; 3. To analize the declared foreign policy goals and choices of D. Grybauskaitė in order to identify what roles Lithuania has tried to perform in the international system in 2014-2019; 4. To investigate how does the expactations from other actors in the international system match with national role performance; 5. To determine the interaction between theoretically declared and practically constructed role. Role theory is used as a theoretical approach in this Master's thesis. In this case, the term of role has three elements – role conception, role expectation and role performance. In order to identify what roles Lithuania has performed during the second term of Grybauskaitė, the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine role conception of D. Grybauskaitė. To determine the interaction between role conception and role performance, official documents, decisions and actions were important and also was taken into consideration. Finally, the speeches and interviews of leaders and their representatives from US, EU and the Eastern partners Ukraine and George revealed the expectations towards Lithuania. It provided the opportunity to examine whether the role conception of Lithuania matches with expectations from other actors in the international system. It was discovered that during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė, Lithuania played six main roles in the international arena: "anti-imperialist agent", "faithfull ally-atlanticist", "territorial defender", "pro-European multilateralist", "promoter of regional cooperation" and "bridge". The set of roles confirmed rather stable than unexpected guidelines for Lithuanian foreign policy: US prioritization, the pro-European direction, harsh stance towards Russia, active support for the Eastern Partnership. However, it is important to indicate that compared to the first term of D. Grybauskaitė, her position during the second term returned to the tracks drawn by V. Adamkus. The main factor which has led to these changes was aggresive Russian behavior. The President of Lithuania took a consistent and extremely rigorous stance against it, constantly reminding Western leaders of the Russian expansion possibility. Russian actions also highlighted the importance of US and NATO. The factor of Russian aggression can also be seen as an impetus for taking measures to strengthen the country's defense and thus consolidating the role of the " territorial defender". Such role changes because of the circumstances in the international arena, proves that structural factors are much more influencial than leader's preferences. It is important to mention that all three elements of role coincided with one another.

This Master's Thesis aims to determine what kind of roles Lithuania has perfomed during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė (2014-2019). It also seeks to answer the question, what development trends of identified roles could be noticed? To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To discuss role theory and reveal the position of political leader; 2. To formule the narrowed set of possible Lithuania's roles, taking into account the frames of Lithuanian identity; 3. To analize the declared foreign policy goals and choices of D. Grybauskaitė in order to identify what roles Lithuania has tried to perform in the international system in 2014-2019; 4. To investigate how does the expactations from other actors in the international system match with national role performance; 5. To determine the interaction between theoretically declared and practically constructed role. Role theory is used as a theoretical approach in this Master's thesis. In this case, the term of role has three elements – role conception, role expectation and role performance. In order to identify what roles Lithuania has performed during the second term of Grybauskaitė, the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine role conception of D. Grybauskaitė. To determine the interaction between role conception and role performance, official documents, decisions and actions were important and also was taken into consideration. Finally, the speeches and interviews of leaders and their representatives from US, EU and the Eastern partners Ukraine and George revealed the expectations towards Lithuania. It provided the opportunity to examine whether the role conception of Lithuania matches with expectations from other actors in the international system. It was discovered that during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė, Lithuania played six main roles in the international arena: "anti-imperialist agent", "faithfull ally-atlanticist", "territorial defender", "pro-European multilateralist", "promoter of regional cooperation" and "bridge". The set of roles confirmed rather stable than unexpected guidelines for Lithuanian foreign policy: US prioritization, the pro-European direction, harsh stance towards Russia, active support for the Eastern Partnership. However, it is important to indicate that compared to the first term of D. Grybauskaitė, her position during the second term returned to the tracks drawn by V. Adamkus. The main factor which has led to these changes was aggresive Russian behavior. The President of Lithuania took a consistent and extremely rigorous stance against it, constantly reminding Western leaders of the Russian expansion possibility. Russian actions also highlighted the importance of US and NATO. The factor of Russian aggression can also be seen as an impetus for taking measures to strengthen the country's defense and thus consolidating the role of the " territorial defender". Such role changes because of the circumstances in the international arena, proves that structural factors are much more influencial than leader's preferences. It is important to mention that all three elements of role coincided with one another.

This Master's Thesis aims to determine what kind of roles Lithuania has perfomed during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė (2014-2019). It also seeks to answer the question, what development trends of identified roles could be noticed? To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To discuss role theory and reveal the position of political leader; 2. To formule the narrowed set of possible Lithuania's roles, taking into account the frames of Lithuanian identity; 3. To analize the declared foreign policy goals and choices of D. Grybauskaitė in order to identify what roles Lithuania has tried to perform in the international system in 2014-2019; 4. To investigate how does the expactations from other actors in the international system match with national role performance; 5. To determine the interaction between theoretically declared and practically constructed role. Role theory is used as a theoretical approach in this Master's thesis. In this case, the term of role has three elements – role conception, role expectation and role performance. In order to identify what roles Lithuania has performed during the second term of Grybauskaitė, the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine role conception of D. Grybauskaitė. To determine the interaction between role conception and role performance, official documents, decisions and actions were important and also was taken into consideration. Finally, the speeches and interviews of leaders and their representatives from US, EU and the Eastern partners Ukraine and George revealed the expectations towards Lithuania. It provided the opportunity to examine whether the role conception of Lithuania matches with expectations from other actors in the international system. It was discovered that during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė, Lithuania played six main roles in the international arena: "anti-imperialist agent", "faithfull ally-atlanticist", "territorial defender", "pro-European multilateralist", "promoter of regional cooperation" and "bridge". The set of roles confirmed rather stable than unexpected guidelines for Lithuanian foreign policy: US prioritization, the pro-European direction, harsh stance towards Russia, active support for the Eastern Partnership. However, it is important to indicate that compared to the first term of D. Grybauskaitė, her position during the second term returned to the tracks drawn by V. Adamkus. The main factor which has led to these changes was aggresive Russian behavior. The President of Lithuania took a consistent and extremely rigorous stance against it, constantly reminding Western leaders of the Russian expansion possibility. Russian actions also highlighted the importance of US and NATO. The factor of Russian aggression can also be seen as an impetus for taking measures to strengthen the country's defense and thus consolidating the role of the " territorial defender". Such role changes because of the circumstances in the international arena, proves that structural factors are much more influencial than leader's preferences. It is important to mention that all three elements of role coincided with one another.

This Master's Thesis aims to determine what kind of roles Lithuania has perfomed during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė (2014-2019). It also seeks to answer the question, what development trends of identified roles could be noticed? To achieve the main purpose the following tasks were formulated: 1. To discuss role theory and reveal the position of political leader; 2. To formule the narrowed set of possible Lithuania's roles, taking into account the frames of Lithuanian identity; 3. To analize the declared foreign policy goals and choices of D. Grybauskaitė in order to identify what roles Lithuania has tried to perform in the international system in 2014-2019; 4. To investigate how does the expactations from other actors in the international system match with national role performance; 5. To determine the interaction between theoretically declared and practically constructed role. Role theory is used as a theoretical approach in this Master's thesis. In this case, the term of role has three elements – role conception, role expectation and role performance. In order to identify what roles Lithuania has performed during the second term of Grybauskaitė, the method of qualitative content analysis was chosen. Official speeches, interviews and statements were analyzed in order to determine role conception of D. Grybauskaitė. To determine the interaction between role conception and role performance, official documents, decisions and actions were important and also was taken into consideration. Finally, the speeches and interviews of leaders and their representatives from US, EU and the Eastern partners Ukraine and George revealed the expectations towards Lithuania. It provided the opportunity to examine whether the role conception of Lithuania matches with expectations from other actors in the international system. It was discovered that during the second term of D. Grybauskaitė, Lithuania played six main roles in the international arena: "anti-imperialist agent", "faithfull ally-atlanticist", "territorial defender", "pro-European multilateralist", "promoter of regional cooperation" and "bridge". The set of roles confirmed rather stable than unexpected guidelines for Lithuanian foreign policy: US prioritization, the pro-European direction, harsh stance towards Russia, active support for the Eastern Partnership. However, it is important to indicate that compared to the first term of D. Grybauskaitė, her position during the second term returned to the tracks drawn by V. Adamkus. The main factor which has led to these changes was aggresive Russian behavior. The President of Lithuania took a consistent and extremely rigorous stance against it, constantly reminding Western leaders of the Russian expansion possibility. Russian actions also highlighted the importance of US and NATO. The factor of Russian aggression can also be seen as an impetus for taking measures to strengthen the country's defense and thus consolidating the role of the " territorial defender". Such role changes because of the circumstances in the international arena, proves that structural factors are much more influencial than leader's preferences. It is important to mention that all three elements of role coincided with one another.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

Fidesz leader Victor Orban used the two thirds majority in the Hungarian parliament to promulgate a new constitution. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left- of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. The impeachment of Paksas can be considered as the stress test of the young Lithuanian liberal democracy, just on the eve of the accession of Lithuania to the EU and NATO. An unhappy peculiarity of the stress tests is that they sometimes break or damage the items tested. As far as the success in impeaching R.Paksas prevented the transformation of liberal post-communism into populist post-communism in Lithuania, the test was a success. However, against the expectation of many observers of impeachment events, it did not enhance the quality of democracy of Lithuania. The legacy of impeachment are disequilibrium of the balance of power between government branches in favour of the Constitutional Court, strengthening of the Left-of-Centre populist political forces and the interference of secret services into Lithuanian politics with the self-assumed mission to safeguard Lithuanian democracy from the perils of populism.

The article deals with the changing basic upbringing and confrontation in the second half of the 20th century. People understood the meaning and influence of education even in old times. The focal attention for a long time was paid to boys' upbringing and teaching, but secondary and, mostly, non-formal - to girls. In ancient countries boys were taught to be noble, in Middle Ages - courageous knights and devotional Christians, in newest ages national upbringing becomes an important factor. The 20th century and especially its second half were distinguished by upbringing variety: long-drawn-out nationalism or softer, more human form of nationality, buildup of homo sovieticum and Anglo-Saxon civil upbringing, liberalism and democracy that spread from Western countries after World War II. In the 20th century Lithuania had to experience upbringing accents and their changes.

The article deals with the changing basic upbringing and confrontation in the second half of the 20th century. People understood the meaning and influence of education even in old times. The focal attention for a long time was paid to boys' upbringing and teaching, but secondary and, mostly, non-formal - to girls. In ancient countries boys were taught to be noble, in Middle Ages - courageous knights and devotional Christians, in newest ages national upbringing becomes an important factor. The 20th century and especially its second half were distinguished by upbringing variety: long-drawn-out nationalism or softer, more human form of nationality, buildup of homo sovieticum and Anglo-Saxon civil upbringing, liberalism and democracy that spread from Western countries after World War II. In the 20th century Lithuania had to experience upbringing accents and their changes.

The article deals with the changing basic upbringing and confrontation in the second half of the 20th century. People understood the meaning and influence of education even in old times. The focal attention for a long time was paid to boys' upbringing and teaching, but secondary and, mostly, non-formal - to girls. In ancient countries boys were taught to be noble, in Middle Ages - courageous knights and devotional Christians, in newest ages national upbringing becomes an important factor. The 20th century and especially its second half were distinguished by upbringing variety: long-drawn-out nationalism or softer, more human form of nationality, buildup of homo sovieticum and Anglo-Saxon civil upbringing, liberalism and democracy that spread from Western countries after World War II. In the 20th century Lithuania had to experience upbringing accents and their changes.

The article deals with the changing basic upbringing and confrontation in the second half of the 20th century. People understood the meaning and influence of education even in old times. The focal attention for a long time was paid to boys' upbringing and teaching, but secondary and, mostly, non-formal - to girls. In ancient countries boys were taught to be noble, in Middle Ages - courageous knights and devotional Christians, in newest ages national upbringing becomes an important factor. The 20th century and especially its second half were distinguished by upbringing variety: long-drawn-out nationalism or softer, more human form of nationality, buildup of homo sovieticum and Anglo-Saxon civil upbringing, liberalism and democracy that spread from Western countries after World War II. In the 20th century Lithuania had to experience upbringing accents and their changes.