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Représentation féminine érotique, la pin-up est, dans notre imaginaire collectif, l'icône emblématique de la première moitié du xx e siècle. L'engouement populaire qu'elle suscite est réel durant cette période. Pourtant, autour de cette innocente image de papier, symbole de légèreté et d'insouciance, de nombreux enjeux politiques se nouent. Employée de manière massive durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale pour « remonter le moral des troupes » sur le front et soutenir l'effort de guerre des États-Unis, multipliant ses fonctions et s'affichant sur de nombreux supports, elle devient bel et bien un instrument réfléchi de stratégie militaire.

International audience ; The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg is a trilingual state in which all residents have the choice of using Luxembourgish, French or German to express themselves since the Law on the Language Regime of the 24 th of February 1984 which recognizes and ratifies their official and unlimited coexistence. However, the Luxembourgish language, as the only national language of Luxembourg, has undergone a recent quality change in the country's history. From simple oral and regional variety of the High German, it acquired the status of language to support an identity and political demand of the population during the Second World War: to dissociate itself from Nazi Germany and to affirm its cultural peculiarity. The analysis of the Luxembourg case then raises the question of language not only from the point of view of its morphology but also of its socio-political role. ; Le Grand-Duché de Luxembourg se présente comme un État institutionnellement trilingue dans lequel tous les résidents ont le loisir d'utiliser au choix le luxembourgeois, le français ou l'allemand pour s'exprimer depuis la loi sur le régime des langues du 24 février 1984 qui reconnaît et entérine leur coexistence officielle et illimitée. Toutefois, le luxembourgeois, en tant que seule langue nationale du Luxembourg, a connu un changement de qualité récent dans l'histoire du pays. De simple variété orale et régionale du haut-allemand, il a acquis le statut de langue pour servir de support à une revendication identitaire et politique de la population lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale : se dissocier de l'Allemagne nazie et affirmer sa particularité culturelle inaliénable. L'analyse du cas luxembourgeois pose alors la question de la langue non pas uniquement du point de vue de sa morphologie mais surtout de celui de son rôle socio-politique.

International audience ; The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg is a trilingual state in which all residents have the choice of using Luxembourgish, French or German to express themselves since the Law on the Language Regime of the 24 th of February 1984 which recognizes and ratifies their official and unlimited coexistence. However, the Luxembourgish language, as the only national language of Luxembourg, has undergone a recent quality change in the country's history. From simple oral and regional variety of the High German, it acquired the status of language to support an identity and political demand of the population during the Second World War: to dissociate itself from Nazi Germany and to affirm its cultural peculiarity. The analysis of the Luxembourg case then raises the question of language not only from the point of view of its morphology but also of its socio-political role. ; Le Grand-Duché de Luxembourg se présente comme un État institutionnellement trilingue dans lequel tous les résidents ont le loisir d'utiliser au choix le luxembourgeois, le français ou l'allemand pour s'exprimer depuis la loi sur le régime des langues du 24 février 1984 qui reconnaît et entérine leur coexistence officielle et illimitée. Toutefois, le luxembourgeois, en tant que seule langue nationale du Luxembourg, a connu un changement de qualité récent dans l'histoire du pays. De simple variété orale et régionale du haut-allemand, il a acquis le statut de langue pour servir de support à une revendication identitaire et politique de la population lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale : se dissocier de l'Allemagne nazie et affirmer sa particularité culturelle inaliénable. L'analyse du cas luxembourgeois pose alors la question de la langue non pas uniquement du point de vue de sa morphologie mais surtout de celui de son rôle socio-politique.

the study of the federalist current in the Resistance in Italy, which is particularly strong in Italy, makes it possible to understand the very specific conditions for its emergence, as well as the specific features of this ideological movement, which breaks with the political traditions of pre-war and establishes the establishment of a European political framework as a prerequisite. Italy is indeed a country where the first activists, in the proper sense of the word, have hitherto been without activists, who can at an early stage rely on a real programme of action, structured political training, and who wish to speak 'the right voice' across borders. In this case, it was in Switzerland, in the midst of war, that the first contacts were established and an idea was disseminated which remained confined to certain resistant environments on the peninsula. It is true that this first diffusion, accelerated by the effects of liberation, precedes great optimism among this new kind of activism, which sees, in the post-war political, economic and social conditions, the opportunity to rebuild a fairer and more coherent whole at European level. But liberation is also an opportunity to check the gap between utopia and reality: Italian federalism, agerri and disciplinary, must then take into account the existence of other hitherto unbearable tendencies from various countries, the resistance of political parties which have recently been condemned, and, lastly, an international situation which calls into question all the hopes expressed in the Resistance: the possibility of establishing a single and independent European framework. ; International audience The Italian Origins of European Federalism during the Second World War. The study of the especially strong federalist current within the Resistance in Italy, enables to understand the very particular conditions of the emergence as well as the specificities of this ideological movement, that broke with the political traditions of the pre-war years and laid down as a ...

This article attempts to show the American Government's duplicity towards the North African colonial problem during the Second World war. This duplicity is to be examined in the approach of the American Government to Vichy France colonial authorities and North African nationalists during the preparation of the invasion of North Africa and during the presence of the Anglo-American expeditionary forces in this area.Indeed, duplicity and realpolitic were the essence of the policy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his close collaborators, who, above all, wanted to insure the security of their troops during their passage in North Africa. It is in this perspective that President Roosevelt's representatives, in Vichy and Algiers promised to restore France in its pre-war integrity; while, at the same time, the American president, associated himself with the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, in issuing The Atlantic Charter in which occupied countries and colonised peoples were promised self-determination and freedom.