Suchergebnisse

The study presents in brief the life of Imre Mikó, lawyer, author of several significant works of legal literature in the field of minority rights in inter-war Transylvania, who was also, briefly, a member of the Hungarian Parliament. The life and activity of Imre Mikó may be divided into two major periods. Before the Second World War, as a student of law and theology, and later as a minority rights advocate he distinguished himself with a wide array of interests, both in the field of law and politics. He was appointed to the minority protection service of the Hungarian Community in this period. His activity was interrupted by the advent of World War Two. During the war, he fell into captivity, and, after his release from the Soviet Union, he attempted to resume his political and advocacy carrier only to be side-lined, spending almost two decades in the menial occupation of bookshop clerk. His belated and partial rehabilitation following his appointment as chief curator of the Unitarian Church is described in the study. The study also makes mention of the newly discovered information regarding the fact that Imre Mikó, under significant duress, collaborated with the Securitate, while at the same time he was himself under surveillance.

The study deals with employee participation in corporate and plant management, showing the historical course of the formation and development from the early twentieth century to the end of World War II. Following World War II, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) developed a system of 50-50% ownership and employee representation in both areas, which in the early 1970s was transformed into two-thirds ownership and one-third employee representation. Next, the study presents the structural nature of the current participatory institutional system, the electoral system, and the licensing system in a comparative manner.

The study examines the role of medical records (visum repertum) in three criminal proceedings initiated for infanticides in Békés County. The expert opinions were written in accordance with the provisions of decrees and with the regulations of the medical profession. The prosecution and the defence based their arguments on the expert opinions, and the court accepted, in every instance, the forensic medical expert's position. In one case, the body of the infant was not found, wherefore the woman was convicted for adultery, on the basis of the medical examination proving childbirth (1823). In the second case, a preterm birth occurred, so the widow was punished for concealing her pregnancy (1847). In the third case, only the infant's fatal bleeding could be proven, but the intent to cause injury could not; consequently, the girl was found guilty in wrongful death caused by negligence (1834).

"The study focuses on digitization and home office. The author indicates the circumstances that mean serious challenges to both the legislator and the law enforcer. Owing to the digital revolution, the emergence and spread of the electronic means of communication, we are witnessing significant economic and social changes. New types of legal relationships are emerging, trade is being restructured, and we can perceive a clear shift in the centre of gravity towards the virtual space. The question is how these processes affect the world of work."

Pursuant to the First World War, Romania's territory increased, and thus it inherited a complex social, economic, and legal environment different from that of the predecessor states. The Romanian state's response to these challenges is to be found in the political goal of building a homogeneous nation-state. This political agenda has had an impact on all areas of law, not only on legislation but also on the application of the law. The use of essentially ethnically neutral legal instruments of criminal law for state policy purposes can also be seen as an element of exclusionary nationality policy. The Romanian state's actions have thus not only failed to resolve existing internal tensions but have also made the relations between the majority and minorities, as well as the possibility of consolidation impossible for the past century.

"The case known in the public discourse as the Roma murders was a series of attacks on Roma committed with a distinctly anti-Gypsy, racist motive by Árpád Kiss, István Kiss, Zsolt Pető, and István Csontos – the latter having joined them later – between July 2008 and August 2009.
The perpetrators had previously committed a gun robbery in Besenyszög and then carried out firearm and Molotov cocktail attacks on Gypsies in a total of nine settlements across five counties, killing a total of six people. The investigation revealed that several of the offenders were related to the skinhead community in Debrecen, and their motive was retaliation for crimes related to gypsies and incitement of anti-Gypsy sentiments among the population.
They were arrested on 21 August 2009, in a nightclub in Debrecen, where two of the perpetrators worked as bouncers. Their criminal proceedings began on 25 March 2011, and the verdict was pronounced on 6 August 2013. The first-, second-, and third-degree defendants were sentenced to actual life imprisonment, while the fourth-order defendant was sentenced to 13 years in prison, of which he could not be released on parole, so he is expected to be released at the end of August 2022.
The publication presents the events, the process of the investigation, the arrest, and the perpetrators. The author seeks to find motivation for the events and broader social aspects."

What are our possibilities for removing our virtual presence from just being there for production of signs and meanings? What are the conditions under which we can benefit from the experience of being fully present in our identity on virtual platforms and stay connected with others? Social media seems to be an opportunity for this, but it happens the exact opposite: we just become a sign for our identity. Communicating our fictional selfs and meanings with others, however, gives a presence to this sign of identity. Meaning effects and presence effects (Gumbrecht) are inseparable from each other.

This paper analyses some basic questions and gives a review of literature so further the ways in which media-practices are mapped and the impact of media usage on our identity-constructions, on our relationships with others and on our reflection of the world we live in can be researched in the terms of this project.

Child protection in justice is designed to prevent crime among children and juveniles, to keep them away from further crime, and to reintegrate young offenders into society. So, it also covers the areas of prevention, enforcement, and aftercare. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, it was recognized that child protection covers the elimination of a child's financial vulnerability, the prevention of moral misconduct, and the representation of the interests of both orphans and the unhealthy. The country's opportunities have been influenced not only by political ideologies but also by the human and material casualties suffered as a result of the two world wars. The current focus of child protection in justice is always on socio-economic and political problems. Examining the personality and family relationships of juvenile offenders also went a long way in the designated period. The protection of children in justice also affects the areas of administrative law, criminal substantive and procedural law, and criminology. At the end of the paper, I compare the institution of patronage and the preventive patronage.

In our study, we attempt to provide a broad picture about the views of those authors who assessed the nationality concept of Ferenc Deák and József Eötvös, and through this analysis we would clarify how diverse approaches of the same issue might exist within the academic literature. We rely on the main relevant sources drafted under different political regimes: from the dualist period, Béla Grünwald, Lajos Mocsáry, and Oszkár Jászi are highlighted; from the era between the two world wars, Gyula Szekfű, Imre Mikó, and Kálmán Molnár will be cited; while the communist approach would be represented by Erzsébet Fazekas and Gábor Kemény G. Apart from the most influential Hungarian scholars, some authors from the neighbouring countries and the mainstream contemporary international literature on the status of national minorities will be also referred to. The core of our research is not the evaluation of the 1868 Act on nationalities or its application itself but the ex-post assessment of the political nation concept provided by Deák and Eötvös, which was a point of reference for the whole contemporary Hungarian political community and which also determined the logic of the 1868 Act on nationalities.

The status of children, and their role have both undergone significant changesall over the world in the past half century. The rights and vulnerabilities of the child are now the subject of increased attention in all fields, including in the framework of the judicial process. Today, the notion of child-friendly justice is not unknown in Hungary although it is yet to be decided if the proper term is child-friendly or child-centred. The means of ensuring that the rights of the child are respected are common to all procedures; however, the traumas and adverse experiences they may have found themselves subjected to are widely diverse in civil cases (usually the establishment of parental supervision), criminal cases (usually crimes where the victim is a child), and in procedures specific to the tutelage authority; so, the question deserves examination in view of such specificities. The adoption of the New York Convention was a significant milestone in the domain of the rights of the child; however, laying down the theoretical foundations was only relatively slowly followed by a dynamic of development in practice, and that took place with a wide degree of variability in different fields. In Europe — as in Hungary —, the participation of the child during the procedure meant the same as a hearing when the child is addressed questions. Today we know that Laura Lundy was right when in several of her studies she drew attention to the fact that true participation is more than simply asking the child questions. In my research, I set myself the task to create a type of catalogue for the procedural rights of the child and to answer the question: what more can we do that has not yet been done in order to avoid transforming participation in a procedure into a burden, or even worse, a trauma for the child, but instead making it the reflection of a plenitude of rights, a defining but not uncomfortable experience?