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Peer-reviewed article This article introduces seventeen unpublished letters between writer andliterary critic Ricardo Piglia (1940-2017) and philosopher José Sazbón (1937-2008), which were sent between 1973 and 1985. Piglia and Sazbón met atthe University of La Plata in 1960, soon after they started their undergra-duate degrees at this institution, after which they kept a close friendshipthroughout almost four decades. The first three letters were sent in 1973by Sazbón to Piglia, while the former was living in Paris. The remainingletters were exchanged while Sazbón lived in Venezuela as a political exile.Thirteen letters sent by Piglia to Sazbón and one sent by Sazbón to Pigliaare reproduced here. First, this article examines the biographies of thesetwo prominent intellectuals, tracing parallels between their careers. Se-cond, the article contextualises the debates and issues conveyed in the le-tters, namely the seclusion and self-censorship of intellectuals during thelast military dictatorship and the tensions unfolded within the intellectualleft in Argentina after the transition to democracy, especially in regard tothe crisis of Marxism and the Left. The contextualisation of these lettersserves the purpose of complementing and highlighting the literary andarchival value of this correspondence between Piglia and Sazbón. Received 21/05/2019Acepted 15/08/2019 ; Artículo evaluado por paresEste artículo introduce diecisiete cartas inéditas entre el escritor y críticoliterario Ricardo Piglia (1940-2017) y el filósofo José Sazbón (1937-2008),que comprenden el período 1973-1985. Piglia y Sazbón se conocieron en laUniversidad de La Plata en 1960, poco después de comenzar sus estudiosde grado en esta institución y mantuvieron una cercana amistad por casicuatro décadas. Las tres primeras cartas, de Sazbón a Piglia, datan delmomento en que Sazbón vivió en París en 1973, mientras que las catorcerestantes datan del momento en que Sazbón vivió en Venezuela comoexiliado político. Se conservan trece cartas que Piglia le envió a su amigodesde Buenos Aires y una que Sazbón le envió a Piglia en este segundoperíodo. El presente artículo repasa, por un lado, las biografías de estasdos prominentes figuras del campo intelectual argentino de fines de sigloXX, trazando un paralelo entre los caminos recorridos por ambos. Por otraparte, el artículo contextualiza las discusiones que se manifiestan en lacorrespondencia, a saber: la reclusión y autocensura de los intelectualesdurante la última dictadura militar y las tensiones que surgieron dentrodel campo intelectual argentino de izquierda a partir de la transición a lademocracia en relación con la crisis del marxismo y de las izquierdas. Alcontextualizar las cartas, este artículo se propone también complementary resaltar el valor archivístico y literario que posee la correspondencia en-tre Piglia y Sazbón. Entregado el 21/05/2019Aceptado el 15/08/2019

El concepto de "secta" en el lenguaje político de la izquierda es analizado a partir de los usos del término en Marx y en Engels. Se sostiene que no hicieron un empleo unívoco de dicha noción. Las aplicaciones del epíteto se comprenden pragmáticamente en las disputas dentro del movimiento obrero y especialmente en el contexto de la Primera Internacional. En Marx la secta política refiere a una forma organizativa primitiva, anacrónica para los tiempos de consolidación de la clase obrera como partido-movimiento. Se concluye con indicaciones sobre un programa de investigación sobre la tendencia a la cristalización de pequeños grupos dogmatizados en la izquierda radical, estudio que se encuentra en sus comienzos. Un apéndice analiza brevemente las concepciones de crítica de las "sectas" por Hal Draper y Jacques Camatte. ; The concept of "sect" in the political language on the left is analyzed from the uses of the notion by Marx and Engels. It is argued that they did not make an univocal use of the notion. The epithet was a political pragmatic tool within the disputes in the workers movement and mainly in the First International. For Marx a political sect refers to a primitive organizative form, a form anachronistic in the times of consolidation of the working-class as a movement-party. The conclusion argues for some principles to a research program on the tendence to cristallization and dogmatism in the small groups on the radical left, an analysis that is in its beginnings. An appendix explains the critique of "sects" in texts by Hal Draper and Jacques Camatte. ; O conceito de "seita" na linguagem política da esquerda é analisado a partir dos usos do termo em Marx e Engels. Argumenta-se que no houve uma aplicação única. As aplicações incluem usos práticos em disputas dentro do movimiento dos trabalhadores e, em especial, na Primeira Internacional. Em Marx refere-se a uma seita política como uma forma anacrónica no momento da consolidação da classe trabalhadora como partido-movimento. Conclui-se com informações sobre um estudo da tendência de cristalização dos pequenos grupos à esquerda radical, um estudo que está em sua infância. Um apêndice explica a crítica das "seitas" em textos de Hal Draper e Jacques Camatte ; Fil: Acha, José Omar. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana ; Argentina

RESUMENLa cuestión de la libertad de conciencia, en los Países Bajos, tomó forma en torno a la tolerancia que desplegaban las sectas más moderadas de protestantes- pero tambien los dirigentes politicos con respecto a los refugiados que iban llegando a las tierras holandesas procedentes de lugares donde la libertad de religion se hallaba seriamente amenazada. ai ocurrio con los judios que, procedentes de españa y portugal, llegaron a amsterdam a finales del siglo XVI, y también con los socinianos, secta que tuvo su origen en Polonia y que, entre otras cossas, negaba la divinidad de Cristo. Se pretende probar en el artículo que fueron, con todo, motivaciones económicas las que se hallaban en la base de la peculiar tolerancia que se manifestó en los Países Bajos durante el XVII. PALABRAS CLAVETOLERANCIA-LIBERTAD DE CONCIENCIA-SECTAS RELIGIOSAS-ECONOMÍAIn the Netherland, the issue of freedom of conscience was advanced by the practice of toleration adopted by moderate protestant sects towards the refugees coming from places where religius freedom was seriously threatened. That was the case of the Spanish and Potuguese Jews who arrived in Amsterdam at the end of the XIVth century. An esqual fate had the Socinians, a Polish sect that, aomong other things, denied the divinity of Christ. The paper argues that economic reasons weere at the base of hte peculiar toleration experienced in the netherlands along the XIVth century. The poin is proved by the writings of the De la Court brothers, as well as by evidences of foreigners like William Temple, among many other documentsKEYWORSTOLERATION-FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE- RELIGIOUS SECTS- ECONOMY

La Revolución Islámica de 1979 tuvo éxito con las enseñanzas de la unidad y la convergencia entre los países islámicos y la unidad de las religiones islámicas. El enfoque histórico se ha utilizado en esta investigación. El objetivo principal es enfatizar su impacto en la cohesión social y política de la República Islámica del Irán sobre las funciones de las sectas. El punto principal es que al enfatizar su impacto en la cohesión social y política de la República Islámica de Irán, qué, por qué y las funciones de las sectas se están llevando a cabo. A este respecto, el Irán islámico no solo ha promovido las enseñanzas y los valores de la unidad, sino que también ha actuado para fortalecer el entorno para comprender y comprender puntos de vista convergentes. ; The Islamic Revolution of 1979 succeeded with the teachings of unity and convergence between Islamic countries and the unity of Islamic religions. Historical approach has been used in this research. The main focus is on emphasizing its impact on the social and political cohesion of the Islamic Republic of Iran on what functions and functions of sects. The main point is that by emphasizing its impact on the social and political cohesion of the Islamic Republic of Iran, what, why, and functions of the sects are being carried out. In this regard, Islamic Iran has not only promoted the teachings and values of unity but has also acted to strengthen the environment for understanding and understanding convergent views.

Comparative studies on anti-poverty programs enrich the design and evaluation of these actions. Venezuela and Brazil are implementing good anti-poverty practices in Latin America. The objective of this paper is to analyze food and housing programs in both countries and to try to know which of these two designs have more potential to emancipate poverty. Regarding food programs 'Mision Mercal' (Mercal Mission) is been executed in Venezuela, which is compared with 'Bolsa Familia' (Family Bag) in Brazil. As for housing programs it studies 'Gran Mision Viviendas' (Great Housing Mission) in Venezuela, in contrast with 'Minha Casa, Minha Vida' (My house, my life) from Brazil. In the theoretical and methodological field, this paper uses the concepts of training, degrees and functionalities from Amartya Sen to compare these food and housing programs. The text is divided into three sections: the first deals with Sen's analytical categories ; the second historically contextualizes the social programs in both countries ; and the third part, analyzes and compares these food and housing programs. The study concludes that there are important differences between the programs that were carried in Venezuela and Brazil because evidence can be shown that the Bolivarian socialism promotes practices that encourage the transfer of products that generate income. ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Relac Int, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Univ Fed Goias, Jatai, Go, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Sect Publ, Econ, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Relac Int, Osasco, SP, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Sect Publ, Econ, Osasco, SP, Brazil. ; Web of Science

The history of Trotskyist tendencies after Trotsky remains, more than 80 years after Trotsky's death, largely terra incognita or, more accurately, a bazaar for all manner of sects to sell their myths. Only once in a while does a work emerge that takes the history of Trotskyism out of the realm of mythology and provides us with the elements we need to reconstruct the actual experience of Trotskyist militants in a given time and place. In this sense, this brief work has no other purpose than to provide a general overview of international experiences linked to Trotskyism in the second half of the 20th century in order to advance in a circumstantial understanding of its history and development.

This article seeks to outline the main elements in the historiographical controversy over the significance of 'Spinozism' as an eighteenth-century Enlightenment category and the validity or otherwise of the concept of 'Radical Enlightenment' as well as the relationship between these two categories. Defining 'Radical Enlightenment' as the philosophical rejection of religious authority combined with a democratic tending system of social and political thought, and as a partly clandestine tradition that evolved in opposition to the moderate mainstream Enlightenment, it seeks to sketch in the main features both of the 'negative critique' broadly opposing this way of understanding the Western Enlightenment and the 'positive critique' that accepts this classification in broad outline.

Despite the small number of its faithful, the Ahmadiyya faith stands out for the public presence and political support that it achieves in the West, this is due to some of its characteristics - such as the defense of religious freedom or the firm condemnation of terrorism - that make from this Islamic sect a dreamed Islam; This article investigates its origins and message, to know to what extent this Islam dreamed in reality is. ; A pesar del escaso número de sus fieles, la fe ahmadía destaca por la presencia pública y apoyo político que logra en Occidente, ello se debe a algunas de sus características -como la defensa de la libertad religiosa o la firme condena del terrorismo- que hacen de esta secta islámica un islam soñado;este artículo investiga sus orígenes y mensaje, para saber hasta qué punto este islam soñadoen realidad lo es.

Article entitled "Por qué soy un Ku Klux Klan man" [Why am I a Ku Klux Klan man?] whose author, a Klan man himself argues that he is against a man sitting on a throne pretending to be God and commanding that "you won't worship other Gods but me". Therefore, based on that argument he states that an immoral way to manipulate people occurs and in his opinion, that is a strong reason to ally with clans and sects. / Artículo intitulado "Por qué soy un Ku Klux Klanman" en el que, el autor, miembro de dicho clan, argumenta estar en contra de un hombre que sentado en un trono pretendiendo ser Dios decreta que "no tendrás otro Dios antes que yo", y como producto de dicha aseveración maneja de manera innoble al pueblo, lo que considera como causa justificada para aliarse a los clanes o sectas.

This article analyses the solutions proposed by various sects of the spanish military in order to resolve one of the principal issues which affected the fortifications of Cartagena de Indias: the issues created by the sands which intermittently filled the moat surrounding the fort of San Fernando of Bocachica, which compromised its defence. The implementation of engineered solutions, and their application in the bay of Cartagena, afforded a more detailed contemporary understanding of the American territory, and the analysis of such, as undertaken in this article, contributes new scholarship concerning the work carried out by Spanish military engineers in New Granada at the end of the 18th century. ; El presente artículo analiza las soluciones propuestas por distintos militares españoles para reparar uno de los principales problemas que afectaba a la conservación de las fortificaciones de Cartagena de Indias: la invasión de las arenas del foso del fuerte de San Fernando de Bocachica. Para ello, se trasladaron a América distintos planteamientos, ahora estudiados, que repercutieron en un mejor conocimiento del territorio a través de la realización de informes y planos de la bahía cartagenera. Con ello se aporta un nuevo estudio sobre la labor desempeñada por los ingenieros militares españoles en Nueva Granada a fines del siglo XVIII.

El presente artículo analiza las soluciones propuestas por distintos militares españoles para reparar uno de los principales problemas que afectaba a la conservación de las fortificaciones de Cartagena de Indias: la invasión de las arenas del foso del fuerte de San Fernando de Bocachica. Para ello, se trasladaron a América distintos planteamientos, ahora estudiados, que repercutieron en un mejor conocimiento del territorio a través de la realización de informes y planos de la bahía cartagenera. Con ello se aporta un nuevo estudio sobre la labor desempeñada por los ingenieros militares españoles en Nueva Granada a fines del siglo XVIII. ; This article analyses the solutions proposed by various sects of the spanish military in order to resolve one of the principal issues which affected the fortifications of Cartagena de Indias: the issues created by the sands which intermittently filled the moat surrounding the fort of San Fernando of Bocachica, which compromised its defence. The implementation of engineered solutions, and their application in the bay of Cartagena, afforded a more detailed contemporary understanding of the American territory, and the analysis of such, as undertaken in this article, contributes new scholarship concerning the work carried out by Spanish military engineers in New Granada at the end of the 18th century.