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This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

International audience ; La tension entre politique de sécurité et réduction des inégalités en Colombie amène à interroger la place du crime organisé dans le rapport énoncé par les autorités entre paix et développement, alors que l'impératif sécuritaire justifie la stratégie gouvernementale de contrôle territorial et replace le processus de paix dans le temps géopolitique plus long d'une entreprise d'ajustement des conditions d'investissement. La mobilisation de la force publique dans le cadre d'une politique sécuritaire visant à garantir un régime capitaliste et libéral montre que le traitement de la menace criminelle est un instrument stratégique de consolidation des rapports de force entre groupes sociaux.

International audience ; La tension entre politique de sécurité et réduction des inégalités en Colombie amène à interroger la place du crime organisé dans le rapport énoncé par les autorités entre paix et développement, alors que l'impératif sécuritaire justifie la stratégie gouvernementale de contrôle territorial et replace le processus de paix dans le temps géopolitique plus long d'une entreprise d'ajustement des conditions d'investissement. La mobilisation de la force publique dans le cadre d'une politique sécuritaire visant à garantir un régime capitaliste et libéral montre que le traitement de la menace criminelle est un instrument stratégique de consolidation des rapports de force entre groupes sociaux.

International audience ; La tension entre politique de sécurité et réduction des inégalités en Colombie amène à interroger la place du crime organisé dans le rapport énoncé par les autorités entre paix et développement, alors que l'impératif sécuritaire justifie la stratégie gouvernementale de contrôle territorial et replace le processus de paix dans le temps géopolitique plus long d'une entreprise d'ajustement des conditions d'investissement. La mobilisation de la force publique dans le cadre d'une politique sécuritaire visant à garantir un régime capitaliste et libéral montre que le traitement de la menace criminelle est un instrument stratégique de consolidation des rapports de force entre groupes sociaux.

Abstract This article reports on the modalities of application of the food security policy at the level of a local authority in Mali through the interventions of the State and NGOs. The objective of the study was to understand and analyze the strategies of the different actors in the process of implementing the food security policy and to assess the results achieved at the level of the municipality of Zan Coulibaly (Dioïla circle, Koulikoro region) in Mali. The research methodology of a rural community. Our results are based on the review of documentary research and socio-anthropological surveys based on interviews and observations carried out iteratively between May 2015 and December 20197 with groups of strategic actors (Sardan, 1995) involved in the implementation of implementation of the food security policy at the municipal level. at the level of Zan Coulibaly commune (Dioïla circle, Koulikoro region) in Mali. The results show that this rural commune is subject to both the predominance of cash crops, cotton, and strong land speculation, reducing agricultural land year after year. The actions of the various food security stakeholders such as cereal banks are diverted into resource capture strategies by certain groups of stakeholders from the local population, thus compromising food security for the vast majority of the population. Keywords: Food security, actors, strategies, Zan Coulibaly commune, Mali ; Résumé Cet article rend compte des modalités d'application de la politique de sécurité alimentaire au niveau d'une collectivité locale au Mali à travers les interventions de l'Etat et des ONG. L'objectif de l'étude était d'analyser les stratégies des différents acteurs dans le processus de mise en œuvre de la politique de sécurité alimentaire et dans l'atteinte des résultats à l'échelle de la commune Zan Coulibaly (cercle de Dioïla, région de Koulikoro) au Mali. La méthodologie de recherche s'appuie sur la revue documentaire et les enquêtes de type socio-anthropologique basées sur des entretiens et ...