Suchergebnisse

美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政 策法规的重要组成部分。而对这一问题的研究,中国学术界极为薄弱。加强对家庭团聚移民政策的研究,对于深入剖析美国、加拿大移民法体系,发展两国经济,维持社会稳定与发展,具有重要理论和现实意义。本文分析了美国、加拿大家庭团聚移民政策,认为美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政策法规的重要组成部分,或者说是移民法体系的核心。实施综合移民改革,使家人得以团聚,意义重大,它使国家获得安全,经济得以恢复,这个艰辛而智慧的立法过程,也在最佳程度上反映了美国人和加拿大人的价值观。目前要求放宽家庭团聚的民间呼声持续高涨,体现美国和加拿大人价值观的"家庭团聚"成为难以被忽视的移民改革核心话题。The United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations. But the study on this problem, Chinese academia is very weak. To strengthen the family reunion immigration policy research, for in-depth analysis of American, Canadian immigration law system, development of bilateral economy, maintain social stability and development, has the important theory and the practical significance. This paper analyzes the United States, Canada family reunion immigration policy, thinks the United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations, or is the immigration law system core. The implementation of comprehensive immigration reform, make family to reunite, the sense is great, it makes national security, economic recovery, the hardships and the wisdom of the legislative process, but also in the best reflect the values Americans and Canadians. At present the requirement relaxes family folk voice rising, the United States and Canadian values embodiment of" family reunion" to be neglected the core topic for immigration reform. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

Wei, Yifan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-172). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract (English) --- p.2 ; Abstract (Chinese) --- p.3 ; Acknowledgement --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.7 ; Research Question ; Research Objective ; Methodology ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.18 ; The State and Economy ; Debate on China´ةs Reform ; Underdevelopment and Northeast China ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Military --- p.50 ; Geo-political Importance ; Defense Conversion ; New Reform ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Agriculture --- p.75 ; Background of Agricultural Production ; Strategic Position in Food Security ; The State and Agricultural Predicament ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Secondary Industry --- p.107 ; The State's Industrial Investment ; Fiscal and Material Contribution ; State-owned Enterprises ; Struggling in the Market ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.150 ; Research Findings ; Implications on China´ةs Reform ; Appendix --- p.162 ; Bibliography --- p.163

Tam Ka Wing Matthew. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 84-89). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgement --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- eGovernment Requirements --- p.5 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Efficient Operation --- p.5 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Citizen-centric Government --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Security --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Confidentiality --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Integrity --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Availability --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Support of eBusiness --- p.13 ; Chapter 3 --- Webservices for e-Government - A Marriage for Interoperability --- p.15 ; Chapter 4 --- A Webservices Based eGovernment Framework --- p.17 ; Chapter 4.1 --- System Component Model --- p.17 ; Chapter 4.2 --- System Access Model --- p.18 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Security Model --- p.20 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- Access Right Model --- p.20 ; Chapter 4.3.2 --- Authentication Model --- p.22 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Transaction Model --- p.23 ; Chapter 5 --- eGovernment WebServices Access Control --- p.25 ; Chapter 5.1 --- eGovernment WebService --- p.25 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Request of Access --- p.27 ; Chapter 5.3 --- eGovernment Access Policy --- p.30 ; Chapter 5.3.1 --- Administration Based Policy --- p.32 ; Chapter 5.3.2 --- Legislation Based Policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 6 --- Research in Access Control --- p.38 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Traditional Model --- p.38 ; Chapter 6.2 --- More Advanced Models --- p.39 ; Chapter 6.2.1 --- Role-Based Access Control Model --- p.39 ; Chapter 6.2.2 --- Task-Based Authorisation Control Models --- p.41 ; Chapter 6.2.3 --- Digital Library Authorisation Model --- p.42 ; Chapter 6.3 --- Recent Works --- p.44 ; Chapter 6.4 --- Limitations of the Models --- p.45 ; Chapter 7 --- Proposed Approach --- p.47 ; Chapter 7.1 --- WebService Specific Access Control --- p.48 ; Chapter 7.1.1 --- WebService Access Rules --- p.48 ; Chapter 7.1.2 --- Authorisation Conflict Resolution ...

In the past two decades, China has achieved world renown for reducing rural poverty. However, it is becoming harder to reduce poverty and inequality further in China, even though its economy continues to grow. This report compares the impact specific rural public investments can have on promoting growth and reducing poverty and inequality. Returns to these investments are calculated for the nation as a whole and for three economic zones in the west, central, and coastal regions of the country. Government expenditures that have the highest impact on poverty and growth include education, agricultural research and development, and rural infrastructure (roads, electricity, and telecommunications). Notably, spending on irrigation and anti-poverty loans had minimal impact. The report discusses the implications of these findings for setting future priorities for government investment. It also suggests avenues for future research and calls for a better understanding of how to improve the effectiveness of public resources. This report will be of interest to professionals involved in rural poverty reduction, rural development, agricultural growth, food security, and public investment policy. ; PR ; IFPRI1; GRP3; Theme 9; Public Policy and Investment

Li Wei. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-84). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; English Abstract --- p.ii ; Chinese Abstract --- p.vii ; Acknowledgements --- p.vi ; Table of Contents --- p.vii ; List of Graphs and Tables --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review ; Chapter 2.1 --- Social Security and Savings --- p.3 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Pension Funds and Financial Markets --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3 --- China's Pension Reform --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- China's Pension Reform ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Evolution of Pension System --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Background for Current Reform --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The New Pension System --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Key Issues for Future Reform --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- The Impact of Pension Reform on Private Savings in China ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Theory --- p.36 ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Model --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Data and Methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Empirical Results --- p.49 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- The Interaction between Pension Reform and Financial Marketin China ; Chapter 5.1 --- The Effects of A Funded Pension System on Financial Market --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Pension Reform and Financial Market in China --- p.59 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Experiences of Chile and Singapore and the Implications for China ; Chapter 6.1 --- The Pension Reform in Chile --- p.69 ; Chapter 6.2 --- The Central Provident Funds in Singapore --- p.70 ; Chapter 6.3 --- The Implications for China --- p.71 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Conclusion --- p.76 ; Bibliography --- p.79 ; Data Appendix --- p.85

Lui, Hor Yan Joyce. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-184). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; English Abstract --- p.i ; Chinese Abstract --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; List of Tables --- p.vi ; List of Figures --- p.vii ; Table of Contents --- p.viii ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Area and Objectives --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Background and Conceptual Framework --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Research --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research Methodology --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Organization --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Hong Kong in the Midst of its Transformation --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- A State of Euphoria: Prelude to the Crisis --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Post 1997 Crisis --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Development of Social Security in Hong Kong --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Paradox --- p.26 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Welfare Debate --- p.28 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Social Democratic Welfare Regimes --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Essential Characteristics --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State --- p.30 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The New Right --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Social Development Approach as an Alternative --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Governments' Responses in the West --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Workfare Programs Gaining Currency --- p.39 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- Origin and Development of Workfare Programs in the West --- p.41 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- Debates in the Rhetoric of Workfare --- p.44 ; Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Mandatory versus Voluntary --- p.45 ; Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- Work-first versus Education-first --- p.47 ; Chapter 4.1.3 --- Common Goal shared by various Emphases --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.1.4 --- Effectiveness of Workfare Programs --- p.50 ; Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- The Bright Side --- p.51 ; Chapter 4.1.4.2 --- The Dark Side --- p.52 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- Hong Kong Government's Responses to the Paradox --- p.54 ; Chapter 5.1 --- ...

Cheung Mong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-121). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; List of Tables and Figures --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Why Different Policy Responses in Two Similar Crises? --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Central Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Main Argument --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Layout --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- A Theoretical Framework for Analysis: The Concept of Strategic Culture --- p.6 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Competing Explanations --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Theory of Strategic Culture --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Defining Strategic Culture in this Research --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Research Method and Data --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- The Dual Sources of Strategic Culture in Postwar Japan --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Paradigm in the Ruling Level: Yoshida Doctrine --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Paradigm in the Social Level: Pacifism --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Interaction between the Two Paradigms on Policy --- p.52 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Summary --- p.56 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Japan's Responses to the Gulf Crisis: The Gap of Two Paradigms (1990-91) --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Searching for a New Identity: Four Views to Japan's Security --- p.60 ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Two Competing Paradigms in the Eve of the Gulf Crisis --- p.65 ; Chapter 4.3 --- A Strategic Cultural Explanation to the Reluctant Response on Overseas Dispatch --- p.72 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Japan's Responses to the Anti-Terrorism War: Moving towards An Unitary Paradigm (2001) --- p.82 ; Chapter 5.1 --- "Japan's Emerging New Identity: The Notion of ""the Normal Nation""" --- p.83 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Decline of the Pacifism --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Japan after the 911: Sending the SDF Overseas --- p.98 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.118 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Japan Between the Pacifist Nation and ...

India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy is born out of its 'Look East' policy, initially aimed at extending its influence into the Asia-Pacific region. Modi's June 2018 address at the Shangri La Dialogue marked New Delhi's full embracing of the Indo-Pacific concept. Thereafter, Indo-Pacific diplomacy, or such a vision, has become a new pillar of Indian foreign policy, and a new angle through which it is observed. India's Indo- Pacific diplomacy will continue to put emphasis on its relationship with ASEAN and respect for ASEAN's centrality in regional security cooperation. Meanwhile, India is expected to strengthen multilevel exchanges and cooperation in different areas with like-minded countries such as the US, Japan, and Australia, and continue to engage in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) – but probably keep a relatively low profile. Though it may share common interests with the US in dealing with a rising China, India so far seems to prefer hedging its bets on both China and the US, and is reluctant tochoose a side too early. Consequently, India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy will maintain a relatively clear-cut strategic independence. Limitations of India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy include: the kind of competition and confusion that seems to exist between its two ambitions, i.e. the Indian Ocean region as India's paramount strategic focus, and the Asia-Pacific as the hub of its Indo-Pacific diplomacy; ASEAN's centrality may be diminished by the Indo-Pacific; and India's simultaneous engagement with Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization may leave the awkward impression of straddling two boats. ; 印度的印太外交脱胎于其东向政策,初心是为融入亚太。以莫迪2018 年6 月香格里拉论坛讲话为标志,印度已全面接受"印太"概念,印太外交或印太构想将成为印度对外政策的新视角和新支柱。印度的印太外交将继续重视东盟外交,尊重东盟在地区安全合作中的中心地位。同时,印度将与美、日、澳这些"志同道合"的国家在多个层面、多个领域强化互动与合作,会继续参与四国集团但会适度保持低调。尽管在应对中国崛起上印度与美国有共同利益,但印度目前仍希望在中美间采取对冲战略,不想过早选边站队,因此其印太外交将保持较强的战略自主性。印度印太外交的局限在于:印度的主要战略方向印度洋与其印太外交的主要方向——亚太之间似乎存在某种矛盾;印太本身冲击东盟的地区中心地位;以及印度同时参与四国集团和上合组织也让人感觉印度"脚踩两只船"。

Yeung Hoi-Shan Frances. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-101). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Civil society and democracy ; Chapter 2.2 --- Civil society and public/ private dichotomy ; Chapter 2.3 --- The private sphere as the cultural foundation of civil society ; Chapter 2.4 --- The boundary between public and private in Mao China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Reshaping of the boundary between public and private in post-Mao Era ; Chapter 2.6 --- The cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 2.7 --- Residents' Committees of China ; Chapter 2.8 --- Methodology ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Routines of Residents' Committees ; Chapter 3.1 --- Dongshan District: pioneer of reforming Residents' Committees in Guangzhou --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Residents' Committee X ; Chapter 3.3 --- Duties of juiwei ; Chapter 3.4 --- The one-child policy ; Chapter 3.5 --- Dengue Fever Prevention ; Chapter 3.6 --- Clearances of security nets ; Chapter 3.7 --- Leasehold house management ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Opinions of Guangzhou Residents --- p.48 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Life in the community ; Chapter 4.2 --- Ling ; Chapter 4.3 --- Mr. Peng ; Chapter 4.4 --- Mrs. Tang ; Chapter 4.5 --- Mr. Song ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Residents' Perceptions of the Private Sphere --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Four domains of the private sphere ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perceptions of the four private domains of residents ; Chapter 5.3 --- The right to private property: a shield against intrusion ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Implications for the cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations of the study and suggestions for future research ; Bibliography --- p.90

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...