We might expect that in such a small open economy as Ireland, the impact of global pressures on social policy would be relatively strong (McCoy, 2008). This paper tests such a thesis through a case study of Irish social security policy and argues that, over the period 1986–2006, Irish social security policy responded to global and domestic pressures in a particularly Irish fashion, qualitatively different to other liberal welfare regimes and to other small open European economies. In seeking to understand this puzzle the paper explores and analyses the social security policy institutions where social security policy is mediated. It outlines the Irish policy architecture – the political, institutional and ideational factors that shape the trajectory of Irish social security development. The paper identifies domestic constraints on globalisation and factors that influence the social construction of policy. It concludes by recommending changes in the policy process that might help lead to more equitable policy outcomes.
In security and foreign policy discourse, environmental issues have been discussed increasingly as security threats that require immediate action. Yet, as the traditional security sector does not provide straightforward means to deal with climate change and other environmental issues, this has prompted concerns over undue securitisation and ill-placed extreme measures. We argue that an effective policy to address foreseeable environmental security threats can only be developed and maintained by ensuring that it remains resolutely within the domain of civil society. In this article, we consider the case of Finland, where the policy concept of comprehensive security has been presented as the official guideline for security and preparedness activities in different sectors. Comprehensive security aims to safeguard the vital functions of society through cooperation between authorities, business operators, organisations, and citizens. We analyse the opportunities and challenges of Finland's comprehensive security policy in addressing environmental changes through a three-level framework of local, geopolitical and structural security impacts. Our empirical evidence is based on a set of expert interviews (n = 40) that represent a wide range of fields relevant to unconventional security issues. We find that the Finnish comprehensive security model provides an example of a wide and inclusive perspective to security which would allow for taking into account environmental security concerns. However, due to major challenges in the implementation of the model, it does not fully incorporate the long-term, cross-sectoral, and cascading aspects of environmental threats. This weakens Finland's preparedness against climate change which currently poses some of the most urgent environmental security problems. ; Peer reviewed
Traditional views of security policy have focused almost exclusively on defence and military topics. The process of transition in eastern Europe makes it necessary to take a much broader approach in which, for example, areas such as economic and social policy, or world trade and monetary relations, are included.
Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in the state foreign policy. The interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimension of the contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations. The Central Asia region is not only the undiscovered reservoir of oil and gas, but also the strategic "chessboard" with many internal and external players, where the new great game started after the Cold War. Kazakhstan, because of the geopolitical position in the center of Eurasia, and as one of the biggest producer of energy resources, is becoming significant in the international energy market. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it became open to foreign investments. The growing energy needs have given the People's Republic of China (PRC) a strong interest in developing ties with energy-producing states in the Central Asia region to build necessary pipeline infrastructure [Kandiyoti 2008]. Kazakhstan is getting increasing importance in this context. Kazakhstan and all Central Asia region seems the most likely to play an important role in the Chinese strategy to reduce its dependence on energy supplies from the Middle East.
The paper focuses on the relationship between security policy and humanitarianism, two policy fields with different roles. In the case of violent domestic conflict they get inevitably very close where distance between them – at least from the humanitarian perspective - should be greatest. This is the argument based upon the model of complementarity characterizing the relationship between the state and non-state actors in the policy field of humanitarian aid. The core argument is that the politicization process which has characterized the developments in humanitarian affairs is incomplete. Thus far, security concerns seem to favor this process by subordination of humanitarianism. What is required is the "politicization from below", the societal actors, as a counterweight to the "politicization from above", the state actors. The goal is a rights-based approach to humanitarianism. Such a normative change in the international order is desirable both from a security policy perspective as well as from the humanitarian perspective. The structural conditions characterizing the policy field of humanitarian aid are not such as to favor such a development. ; Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Beziehung von Sicherheitspolitik und humanitärer Hilfe, zwei Politikfelder mit unterschiedlichen Aufgaben. Im Falle innerstaatlicher Gewalt nimmt die Nähe zwischen ihnen zu, wo sie – zumindest aus humanitärer Sicht - doch am größten sein sollte. Dieses Argument geht von der Komplementaritätsbeziehung aus, die das Verhältnis zwischen den staatlichen und gesellschaftlichen Akteuren im Politikfeld der humanitären Hilfe kennzeichnet. Das Kernargument ist, dass die "Politisierung von oben", die kennzeichnend für die Entwicklung der letzten Jahre im humanitären Bereich war, unvollständig ist. Bislang sieht es so aus, als würden sicherheitspolitische Erwägungen diesen Prozess der Unterordnung der humanitären Hilfe begünstigen. Notwendig ist die "Politisierung von unten", d.h., die gesellschaftlichen Akteure müssen zu dieser Tendenz von oben ein Gegengewicht bilden. Das Ziel ist ein sog. auf Recht basierender Ansatz im humanitären Bereich. Der entsprechende Wandel in der internationalen Ordnung ist sowohl aus der sicherheitspolitischen wie aus der humanitären Perspektive wünschenswert. Allerdings begünstigen die im Politikfeld der humanitären Hilfe vorherrschenden Strukturbedingungen diesen Prozess nicht.
This article operationalizes Japanese leadership in foreign and security policy, specifically the Abe administrations' consistent China balancing. It will do so to dispel instances of Premier-centered diplomacy and posit that Abe's diplomatic agenda has rested on a 'hybrid' policy-making authority, where the leverage enjoyed by the Prime Minister's office (the Kantei) rested on little-appreciated politicized personnel appointments and demotions within the bureaucratic apparatus, specifically the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Moreover, successful Japanese leadership has functioned especially when operating within the scope of the US strategic framework towards East Asia. While structural constraints, such as the ever-present influence of the USA and bureaucratic coordination, may constrain options, effective leadership in foreign policy-making can indeed make a difference within those boundaries.
In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.
In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU's particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU's reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.
The European Union (EU) is a decision-making, polycentric political community, with double-layer boundaries and constitutionally and procedurally plural decisions. Likewise, it may be assumed that the existence and the peculiar functioning of European-level policy-making governance, the increase in number of its structures, and its multilevel character may result in a new policy regime. The institutionalization-Europeanization level of the organizational field may become indispensable in determining which type of policy network and what styles of policy are established, or in influencing the degree of responsiveness and accountability, quality and intensity of interaction between the actors involved, the degree of territorial and functional consistency established in the Member States, and the decision-making skills of the EU itself. The aim of this work is to develop and evaluate basic assumptions, by means of an exploratory survey, focusing on the policy outcomes (as dependent variable) of the institutionalization-Europeanization of the common security policy (as independent variable).
The article substantiates that food security and food independence of Russia is accompanied by new internal and external factors. Counter-measures from Russia include quickened import substitution, modernization of agriculture, and investments for increase of efficiency and competitiveness under the conditions of growing economic, social, political, and natural & climatic turbulence. As to foreign policy, these counter-measures include membership in the WTO, integration into the Eurasian Economic Union, globalization of agricultural sphere, foreign sanctions against or limiting food import in Russia, and exchange of partners in export and import. Policy of food security and independence is conducted under the conditions of high inflation and is rather costly. Vectors of food security of Russia are differently directed, though there is economic growth of agriculture. Food security and food independence become a part of national security and independence. Innovational strategy of modernization of agriculture should be considered to be the highest priority of country's development. Increase of support for Russian agriculture from state budget, regional budget, federal and regional programs, and subsidies are especially important. ; peer-reviewed
Information security is an understudied area within electronic government. In this study, we examine the quality of information security policy design in health care. Employees cause a majority of the security breaches in health care, and many of them are unintentional. In order to support the formulation of practical, from the employees' perspective, information security policies, we propose eight tentative quality criteria. These criteria were developed using practice-based discourse analysis on three information security policy documents from a health care organisation.
Tarkastelen maisterintutkielmassani Japanin perustuslain sodan ja sotajoukkojen kieltävää 9. pykälää sekä Japanin turvallisuuspolitiikkaa kahden japanilaisen pääministerin, Koizumi Junichiron ja Abe Shinzon, puheissa. Tutkimuksen tehtävänä on selvittää, miten Koizumi ja Abe perustelevat 9. pykälän tulkinnan ja turvallisuuspolitiikan muutoksia heidän kausillaan sekä verrata tästä syntyviä tuloksia. Tutkimukseni monipuoliseen teoreettiseen viitekehykseen kuuluvat turvallisuus, kansainvälinen yhteisö, utopia ja realismi, rauha sekä retoriikka. Aineiston muodostaa rajattu määrä Koizumin ja Aben puheita, jotka olen valinnut käytyäni puheita läpi laajemmin. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat, että Japanin muuttuvaa turvallisuuspolitiikkaa perustellaan monin eri tavoin suhteessa perustuslakiin. Muutokset voidaan esitellä perustuslaillisina, mutta tämä kysymys sivuutetaan usein. Yhdysvaltojen vaikutus Japanin turvallisuuspolitiikkaan oli merkittävä erityisesti Koizumin kaudella. Sekä Koizumi että Abe naamioivat poliittiset tavoitteensa esimerkiksi humanitaarisuudeksi tai turvallisuudeksi. Koizumin ja Aben väitteistä huolimatta on kuitenkin selvää, että he joutuvat perustelemaan linjauksiaan perustuslain 9. pykälän olemassaolon vuoksi. Tämä luo ristiriidan lain ja käytännön välille. 9. pykälän rauhanomaiset tavoitteet eivät pääse toteutumaan, koska sekä Koizumi että Abe kohtelevat sitä esteenä turvallisuudelle rauhan mahdollisuuden sijaan. ; In my thesis, I examine the war-forbidding Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and Japan's security policy in the speeches of two Japanese prime ministers, Koizumi Junichiro and Abe Shinzo. My aim is to reveal the ways in which Koizumi and Abe justify their interpretations of Article 9 as well as the changes made in security policy during their respective terms. For these ends, a versatile theoretical framework including security, international society, utopia and realism, peace, and rhetoric is exercised. A limited number of Koizumi's and Abe's speeches have been chosen as data after a careful examination of the speeches they have given. The results of this research demonstrate that the changes in Japan's security policy are justified in various manners. They are sometimes presented as constitutional, but this question is often disregarded. The influence of the United States was especially visible during Koizumi's term. Both Koizumi and Abe disguise their political objectives as e.g. humanitarianism or security. Despite Koizumi's and Abe's claims, it is clear that the reason they have to justify their policies is the existence of Article 9. This creates a contradiction between law and practice. The peaceful ideals of Article 9 remain unrealised as both Koizumi and Abe treat it as an obstacle to safety instead of a possibility for peace.
The Asia-Pacific region is currently under strategic changes, as China is rising in political, military and economic terms, and the United States has launched a rebalancing policy to the region. Australia, who shares a security treaty with the United States but has China as its largest trade partner, is greatly impacted by these changes. This case study analyzes Australian security policy with United States and China from 2009 to 2015 through the constructivist theory of security communities. The study asks has Australia moved closer to building a security community within Asia, as it attempted in the 1980's and 1990's. It continues the work of Higgott and Nossal (1998), who argued that Australia did not manage to create security ties with the region due to lack of shared values and "we-ness" with the region. Through content analysis of Australian security policy documents and statements, this study shows that Australian security policy is greatly impacted by the tightly coupled security community it shares with the U.S. Australia has created two images of Asia: in the realm of economic policy, it is ready to embrace the region and benefit from the integration. In the area of security policy, however, Australia still relies on the alliance with United States, while depicting Asia as conflictual and possibly dangerous to Australia's interests. Australia has not been able to overcome its strategic culture, based on realist assumptions of the world, in order to extend the cooperation and transactions evident at so many levels with China into the level of security policy. Rather, it has kept these two worlds separate and without much critical thinking from the point of view of its own national interests, has supported the United States in its rebalancing process to Asia. This case study finds that while Australia is has not formed a new security community in the region, it could be due to the influence of the United States and the close cooperation between Australia and the United States. TIIVISTELMÄ Tämä pro-gradututkielma on tapaustutkimus Australian ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan kehityssuunnasta suhteessa Kiinaan ja Yhdysvaltoihin vuosina 2009 – 2015. Australia on keskisuuri valtio Aasian ja Tyynenmeren alueella, missä geopoliittinen tilanne on muuttumassa. Kiinan nopea taloudellinen, poliittinen ja sotilaallinen kasvu on haastanut Yhdysvaltojen hegemonisen aseman alueella. Kiinan nousu ja toisaalta Yhdysvaltojen ulkopolitiikan painotus Aasian ja Tyynenmeren alueelle ("rebalance to Asia-Pacific") tuovat haasteita erityisesti Australialle, joka on turvallisuusyhteisössä Yhdysvaltojen kanssa mutta jonka suurin kauppakumppani on Kiina. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan Australian ulko-ja turvallisuuspolitiikkaa turvallisuusyhteisöjen teorian näkökulmasta. Turvallisuusyhteisöt ovat konstruktivistinen lähestymistapa turvallisuuspolitiikkaan, missä valtioiden toimintaa analysoidaan inressien ja identiteettien avulla. Higgott ja Nossalin (1998) mukaan Australian pyrkimykset tiiviimpään turvallisuuspoliittiseen yhteisöön Tyynenmeren ja Aasian alueella epäonnistuivat, sillä Australia ei jakanut samoja arvoja ja identiteettejä alueen maiden asukkaiden kanssa. Tämä tutkimus jatkaa Higgottin ja Nossalin tutkimusta ja pyrkii selittämään, mihin suuntaan Australia kehittää suhteitaan Yhdysvaltoja ja Kiinaa kohtaan. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että Australian ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan suunta määrittyy vahvasti Yhdysvaltojen turvallisuusyhteisön kautta. Australian virallisen linjan mukaan Tyynenmeren ja Aasian alue on sille erittäin tärkeä, mutta konkreettisissa päätöksissään se on asettunut tukemaan Yhdysvaltojen painotusta alueelle ja sitoutunut esimerkiksi Yhdysvaltojen tukikohdan perustamiseen Australian pohjoisosiin. Australian turvallisuuspoliittisissa dokumenteissa luodaan kaksi kuvaa Aasiasta: yhtäältä halutaan lisätä yhteistyötä, integraatiota ja taloudellista kanssakäymistä. Toisaalta taas turvallisuuspolitiikan saralla Aasian maat nähdään uhkaavina Australian intresseille. Turvallisuusyhteistyö Kiinan kanssa on aluillaan, mutta tähän mennessä Australia on pitäytynyt vahvasti vanhassa turvallisuusyhteisössä Yhdysvaltojen kanssa ja se vaikuttaa maan kykyyn integroitua alueen muiden maiden kanssa.
A European Security Council (ESC) would – so the German government has suggested – make the European Union (EU) better prepared for making decisions about international politics and thus better able to act. It believes that if the EU and its member states do not manage to take and implement coherent decisions more quickly, their ability to (further) enforce European rules and strengthen multilateral formats will be weakened. The EU-27's diplomatic, financial and military resources should therefore be supplemented by a format for more effective intergovernmental cooperation. However, this idea can only take shape if the German government can demonstrate the added value of such a body, and if it shows more willingness itself to shape foreign policy within the EU framework.
